Media Diversity Institute Western Balkans along with the partners in Reporting Diversity Network  have opened the call for project proposals aiming to counter hate speech and improve representation of diversity.

The call was opened as part of the Reporting Diversity Network, which was established with the objective of effectively influencing media representation of ethnicity, religion, and gender in the Western Balkans. RDN aims to activate the role of civil society in countering the narratives of division and replacing them with much- needed positive discourse contributing to the value of good neighbouring relations and respect for social diversity.

The Call for Proposals will be publicised with the overall objective of increasing the influence of CSOs on media reporting shaping perceptions of ethnicity, religion and gender in the Western Balkans.

The specific objectives of the Call will be to:

• strengthen the position of local CSOs in safeguarding their beneficiaries’ rights in media
• provide opportunities for local CSOs to influence public perceptions and respond to hateful and harmful narratives contributing to polarisation.
• increase the number and quality of messages conveyed to the audience to diminish the effect of polarising narratives
• improve visibility and media representation of women and minority rights’ issues
• contribute to positive perceptions of the others and tolerance and inclusion in the region

Types of actions that are eligible for funding (list is open and might include other project ativities as long as they contribute to the above-mentioned objectives):

1. Advocacy and awareness-raising campaigns;
2. Production of media content;
3. Creation of campaigns countering hateful narratives in the public sphere;
4. Consultations, roundtables and meetings with local stakeholders;
5. Facilitating policy dialogue with stakeholders (e.g. political parties, local officials, expert community, media).

All activities must take place in the country where the organisation is registered. Project timeframe is maximum of nine month.

The overall budget for the programme is 30.000 EUR per country. Five projects per country will be supported, while the envisaged size of grants is minimum 5,000 EUR and maximum 7,000 EUR.

CSOs responding to this call must meet the following criteria:

• that they are registered with the Business Registers Agency or respective authority in the country (please refer to the call relevant to your respective country) and that they have settled all legal obligations;
  • have experience in the field of representation of diversity and/or hate speech;
  • be directly responsible for project preparation and management;
  • that their bank account is not blocked;
  • that the organisations are not beneficiaries of the funds of the EU Civil Society Facility and Media Programme in favour of the Western Balkans and Turkey for 2021-2023 (IPA III), budget line: 15.020101.01
  • Organisations can submit only one project proposal under this Program as an applicant or as a partner

We welcome applications from diverse type of civil society organisations: grassroot organisations, memebrs of the larger-scale networks acting nationaly or regionaly, media established as CSOs.

Partnership with local media will be considered as an advantage and will ensure additional points.

A one-day training regarding the rules and procedures for the implementation of EU grants will be organised for selected grant recipients. The training will cover topics such as: project management, visibility rules, financial reporting, etc.

In addition, selected CSOs will be provided with mentoring support to assist them in conducting creative media campaigns to raise public awareness as well as in managing project activities.

We invite all interested organisations to fill in the application forms (attached).

The deadline to submit the application is May 31. The deadline to submit the questions is May 9.

The email for the submission of questions and proposals is published in each country call.

The evaluation criteria:

1. Relevance of the proposal to the objectives of the Call for Proposals and relevance of the proposal to meet the needs of the target groups; (30 points)
2. Effectiveness and feasibility of the action – clear links and consistency between objectives, estimated results, proposed activities and strategy; (20 points)
3. Financial and operational capacity to autonomously undertake the proposed activities – an elementary level of organisational and managerial capacity will need to be demonstrated; (20 points)
4. Impact and stakeholders’ involvement – proposals must be feasible and indicators objectively verifiable (number of citizens that will be involved in the action); (10 points)
5. Involvement of vulnerable groups and gender-related issues – proposals need to take into consideration the needs of vulnerable groups; (5 points)
6. Follow-up – proposals clearly stating how this project will align with their organisations’ plans and future activities. (5 points)
7. Budget and cost effectiveness of the action – ratio between estimated cost and expected results must be satisfactory (10 points)

The Evaluation Committee will pay attention to geographic and thematic diversity of the grants, while respecting the principals of equal opportunities and inclusiveness.

Note: The Media Diversity Institute Western Balkans may request additional documentation.

Applications will be reviewed by an independent Evaluation Committee.

You can find the application form here, ad the budget form here.

The call in PDF format is available for download here.

We kindly advise you to check the calls in your respective countries:
Albania – Thirrje e hapur për aplikime për projekte – RDN
Bosnia and Herzegovina – Otvoreni poziv za projektne prijedloge
Montenegro – Otvoreni poziv za projektne prijedloge
North Macedonia – Open call for project applications
Kosovo – Call for grant applications
Serbia – Otvoren poziv za projektne predloge 

Frequently asked questions and their answers are here!

Novi Sad train station canopy collapsed on November 1^st, 2024, killing fifteen people, and severely injuring two more. This ignited a nationwide, student-led movement in Serbia, demanding justice for victims and the rule of law. Since the protests began, RDN has closely followed how Serbian media have covered them. As students are currently marching from all parts of the country towards Belgrade for a huge protest tomorrow, we present our regional analysis of media reporting on the protests so far. 

As the protests gained momentum, media across the region provided extensive and in-depth coverage of the movement. Generally, reporting was professional and credible, with most outlets portraying the protests authentically. This topic gained coverage across media with large audiences, such as media with national coverage and popular portals. 

In North Macedonia, the protests were largely framed as student-led, with the four main demands clearly communicated to the public. However, many outlets provided the same space for statements from high-rank public officials such as Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić, that often include harmful rhetoric, targeting and discrediting students and citizens who support them. A similar trend was observed in Montenegro, where certain media repeated narratives coming from pro-regime Serbian outlets and government representatives, who frequently labeled the protests as a ‘color revolution’. Some of the most common media narratives based on manipulations and spin had a spill-over effect from Serbian tabloids and pro-regime media to other countries in the region. For example, in North Macedonia, some media also adopted the ‘color revolution’ framing of the protests. 

Despite Serbian pro-regime media pushing disinformation that the protests were influenced by Albania, Albanian media covered the movement in a detailed and professional manner. Serbian tabloids claimed the protests were backed by Western powers and their ‘regional satellites’ Croatia and Albania, portraying these countries as ‘enemies of Serbia and the Serbian people’. While most Albanian media depicted the protests authentically, some also shared unfounded claims on the supposed Russian and Chinese influence on the movement. However, such claims remained marginal. In-depth articles analysing the protests’ root causes dominated the discourse, with the movement primarily framed as a broad, unified stand against the Serbian government. However, students in Serbia consistently emphasised that their demands were directed at institutions, regardless of which government was in power. While Serbian and regional media often framed the protests as strictly anti-government, students communicated their fight as a fight against systemic corruption. A similar case was noted in Bosnia and Herzegovina, when a widely read portal, Klix.ba, reported that students were protesting “against the ruling SNS party and Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić.” 

Beyond this case, other major outlets in Bosnia and Herzegovina, such as Mostar-based portal Bljesak and portal Nezavisne in Banja Luka reported objectively and professionally, listing all student demands and portraying protests credibly. Klix.ba had reporters on the ground during the February 1^st  protest in Novi Sad, when students blocked all three city bridges. In its coverage, this portal quoted students expressing dissatisfaction with authorities’ response to the station canopy collapse and their belief that those responsible had not been properly prosecuted. 

Kosovo media have reported on the protests professionally since the beginning, though without daily updates. National outlets covered major demonstrations and key events, but Kosovo’s parliamentary elections in February remained their primary focus. The protests were presented as student-led, with the four key demands clearly communicated – the publication of the complete documentation on the reconstruction of the Novi Sad train station, the dismissal of criminal charges against students and youth arrested and detained during protests, filing criminal charges and prosecuting attackers of students and professors and a budget increase for higher education. 

As mentioned, some Montenegrin media outlets transmitted harmful messages from Serbian public officials. Furthermore, harmful narratives found in Serbian pro-regime media were amplified through certain outlets in Montenegro. For instance, portals Borba and IN4S mirrored Serbian tabloid rhetoric, discrediting students, and falsely presenting opposition politician Dragan Đilas as the leader of the protests. This disinformation was based on a fake video that circulated in Serbian tabloids. However, national media with a large audience such as the public broadcaster Radio and Television of Montenegro (RTCG), Vijesti and popular portal CDM reported objectively and professionally.  

The protests have gained broad support across the region, with students often portrayed as symbols of hope, challenging outdated, corrupt, and ineffective political systems. However, while there has been regional solidarity, social media discourse remains sporadic, as national issues continue to dominate public attention. This is especially true in Kosovo, where elections remain in focus. Additionally, strong political polarisation in Serbian society and media occasionally crosses over to the neighboring countries, especially in regions with significant Serb population. Consequently, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, protest-related social media discussions included a mix of support and hostility. In Facebook comment sections, students were alternately called a “sect” and “scumbags,” while others expressed support to their cause. 

Media across the region generally reported on the protests professionally, though harmful narratives pushed by pro-regime media in Serbia somewhat influenced regional coverage on the student blockades and citizen protest. Despite occasional spillover of disinformation and media manipulations from Serbian mainstream media, student demands and the broader systemic issues they highlight were heard and seen throughout the region. 

During January, the RDN monitoring team detected a range of hateful narratives and discourse fueled by ethnic hate, anti-LGBTIQ+ rhetoric, gender-based violence, and genocide denial alongside harmful media targeting and reporting.

Gender-based violence in Albania

The reality show Big Brother VIP Albania has become a highly influential program in Albania, shaping public opinion and societal norms due to its massive viewership. On January 14, an incident occurred that underscored the urgent issues surrounding gender-based violence and the lack of an appropriate response from both the media and the program’s producers. Jozi Marku, a contestant, attempted to kiss fellow contestant Loredana without her consent during a game in the house. Despite Loredana’s clear objections and her firm declaration that “no means no,” Jozi dismissed her boundaries, justifying his actions as an attempt to strengthen their relationship. This behaviour was further exacerbated by the program’s failure to condemn the incident, while the media sensationalised the situation instead of addressing the core issue.

The incident sparked outrage among viewers, many of whom condemned Jozi’s actions as coercive and inappropriate. There was widespread concern about the normalisation of non-consensual behaviour in such a highly visible program, which has a significant influence on public perception.

Instead of focusing on the issue of non-consensual behaviour, media coverage shifted its focus to Jozi’s alleged sexuality. Speculative reports emerged about Jozi’s sexual orientation, circulating unverified claims and personal photos. This diversion not only distracted from the serious issue of gender-based violence but also perpetuated harmful stereotypes and stigmatisation of LGBTQ+ individuals. Rather than holding Jozi accountable for the violation of Loredana’s consent and examining the broader societal implications of such actions, the media’s narrative turned Jozi’s private life into a spectacle, downplaying the seriousness of the issue at hand.

Following this incident, Jozi was expelled as a contestant on Big Brother for making derogatory and offensive comments alongside another contestant by the name G Bani who was expelled on the basis of physical violence.

Media bias and targeting in Serbia

Three months ago, a concrete canopy collapsed at the main train station in Novi Sad, Serbia, killing fifteen people, and severely injuring two. This tragedy ignited widespread public outrage, due to corruption and negligence in the station’s construction, primarily driven by students from universities across the country, who blocked almost all state universities for over a month. 

The protests, which began in Novi Sad, quickly spread to other cities, smaller towns, and villages. Demonstrators demanded political and legal accountability of public officials and transparency in the investigation process on the canopy collapse. Furthermore, the student  demands, supported by the public, included the publication of all documentation related to the station’s reconstruction, the dismissal of charges against activists arrested during the first protest in Novi Sad in November, and the initiation of criminal proceedings against those who assaulted demonstrators. Many activists arrested at the first protest were very young, some even underage. Even though most were released quickly, five young people spent almost a month in jail “due to the suspicion that they have committed a criminal act of violent behaviour at a public meeting”.

Since November, the movement has gained momentum across various societal groups including university professors, teachers, artists, lawyers, farmers, doctors, and prominent figures who have all expressed their support for the students’ cause and the protest itself.

Nevertheless, despite the scale and peaceful nature of protests, most national media outlets, primarily tabloids, did not report on them professionally and ethically. Quite the contrary, tabloids exploited nationalist sentiments in collaboration with high-ranking government officials, creating narratives including that students and protesters are “foreign mercenaries”. Young people and other citizens participating in protests were targeted based on their political views, ethnicity, or nationality.

In an attempt to undermine the protests, certain media outlets engaged in unethical practices by providing the public with private information about student activists. Tabloid media endangered the safety of students by publishing their photos and disclosing their names. For instance, Portal Novosti published names and photos of (Croatian) passports of University of Belgrade students, directly accusing them of attempting to destabilise Serbia. The headline implied that their Croatian citizenship was further proof of the alleged threat, claiming that the destruction of Serbia was orchestrated from Croatia. However, the article was later amended, with their names and passport photos removed. This deliberate exposure of private information not only served to endanger the individuals but also to intimidate and discredit those demanding accountability.

Rather than fueling political polarisation and targeting student activists, the media should stand by them in demanding accountability from the government. The media has the power to amplify calls for justice, investigate the alleged corruption that led to the Novi Sad tragedy, and ensure those responsible are held accountable. Instead of silencing the voices of students, the media should uphold its duty to inform the public of the students’ demands, the broader public dissatisfaction, and the urgent need for transparency in Serbia’s institutions.

In moments like this, citizens have few independent media and local journalists who they can trust will provide crucial, accurate and relevant information. Now more than ever, the media must stand with those demanding accountability and change, acting as a unified force for truth rather than an adversary.

Ethnic discrimination in Bosnia and Herzegovina

On Christmas Eve, a religious ceremony was held in front of the Church in Tuzla where a Christmas tree was lit. The ceremony was accompanied by music playing from the church’s loudspeakers which included songs performed by singers Danica Crnogorčević and Baja Mali Knindža. Both Danica Crnogorčević and Baja Mali Knindža are known for songs with strong nationalist themes.

The lyrics of the songs included nationalistic sentiments and connotations towards conquering or appropriating other countries or traditions under the context of the ‘Greater Serbia’ ideology that came to light during the wars in the 1990s in the Balkans and was especially present during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Such sentiments can seriously threaten the democratic values and multiculturalism of an environment such as Tuzla, but also Bosnia and Herzegovina itself.

As a result, Mirnes Ajanović and Danijel Senkić, president and deputy president of the Commission for Human Rights and Freedoms of the Tuzla City Council, filed a criminal complaint against the organisers of the event held on January 6, 2025.

Various portals in Bosnia and Herzegovina reported on the event with basic information, and Radiosarajevo noted that such songs are inappropriate for any celebration, especially those marking religious holidays.

Alongside this, also on Christmas Eve and Christmas, social media users posted photos and videos showing men on horseback in Bosansko Grahovo carrying black flags with symbols such as the skull and cockade, which are recognised as symbols of the Chetnik movement. Bosansko Grahovo is a municipality with a majority Serb population located in Canton 10.

Ivan Vukadin, the Prime Minister of Canton 10, strongly condemned the glorification of Chetnik symbols during the celebration of Orthodox Christmas Eve and Christmas.

Most portals in Bosnia and Herzegovina reported on the event, highlighting Vukadin’s statement that such symbols undermine tolerance and coexistence, deepen societal divisions, and are therefore unacceptable. Such behaviour is inappropriate for any celebration, especially religious holidays.

Homophobia and anti-LGBTIQ+ narratives in Kosovo

The Election Complaints and Appeals Panel (PZAP), operating under the Judicial Council of Kosovo, has repeatedly fined the Coalition for the Family after its parliamentary candidates used hate speech against the LGBT+ community during the election campaign. The coalition opposes same-sex marriage, adoption by same-sex couples, and gender transition, among other issues.

Furthermore, the NGOs Dylberizm and the Center for Gender Equality (CEL) filed a complaint against parliamentary candidate Eman Rrahmani, who wrote on his Facebook page: “There is no marriage between a man and a man, or a woman and a woman. Shame on anyone who teaches our children otherwise.” (This post has since been deleted.) Another candidate wrote on Facebook that the coalition aims to “protect children from degeneration and corruption,” while a third candidate stated in a video that the coalition was fined “because we promise the people that we will not allow same-sex marriages, adoption of children by homosexuals, gender transition, or many other social anomalies”.

In their complaint, Dylberizm and CEL emphasised that phrases like “degeneration and corruption” stigmatise gender equality education and LGBTIQ+ rights, portraying LGBTIQ+ individuals as immoral and a threat to Kosovo’s social fabric. They furthermore argued that this constitutes discriminatory and offensive language, highlighting that the phrase “other social anomalies,” when referring to same-sex marriage, gender transition, and adoption by LGBT+ individuals, violates legal and ethical standards and fosters division and fear in society.

The Coalition for the Family consists of several political entities with similar programs, claiming to advocate for the preservation of the so-called “traditional family”. They strongly oppose the LGBTIQ+ community, portraying its members as a “threat to humanity, as mentally ill individuals, or as the scum of society”.

Homophobia and anti-LGBTIQ+ rhetoric is never acceptable. While people are entitled to their opinions, there is a clear line between expressing a viewpoint and spreading hate. Everyone deserves equal respect and rights, regardless of their sexual orientation. When members of parliament use divisive and hateful language against the queer community, they set a dangerous precedent for society but also contribute to the normalisation of discrimination and intolerance.

Genocide denial in North Macedonia

The Serbian community in Macedonia, as an important part of the multicultural society, organised a celebration attended by important representatives from various communities and institutions. Among those present was Prime Minister Hristijan Mickoski, the President of the Assembly of the Republic of Montenegro, Andrija Mandić, the President of the Republika Srpska, Milorad Dodik, the Serbian Minister of Defense Bratislav Gašić, the Serbian Patriarch Porfirije and the Macedonian Archbishop HH Stefan.

The President of Republika Srpska, Milorad Dodik gave a speech at the event in which he claimed that “Serbs today have two states in the Balkans – Republika Srpska and Serbia” and that “the Serbian people did not dirty their hands in the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina”. Furthermore, he went on to claim that Srebrenica being called a genocide was a lie imposed by Joe Biden and his administration.

Aside from the event itself, Milorad Dodik, a figure known for his controversial and inflammatory rhetoric, also had a meeting with Ivan Stoiljkovic, North Macedonia’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Inter-Community Relations. This meeting alongside Dodik’s speech given at the celebration, serves to illustrate the complex dynamics of political disinformation and its intersection with historical revisionism and hate speech. Dodik, currently sanctioned by the U.S. for his policies and corruption, represents a broader network of actors who utilise disinformation to undermine democratic values and human rights.

The Bosniak Democratic Alliance’s reacted to this meeting highlighting their concerns not only about North Macedonia’s commitment to European integration but also about the normalisation of extremist narratives within mainstream politics. This isn’t an isolated incident; the Alliance had previously filed criminal charges against Stoiljkovic for his denial and mockery of the Srebrenica genocide.

The Srebrenica genocide has been internationally recognised by courts, including the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Genocide denial not only undermines justice and reconciliation but is also extremely harmful and insulting to both the victims of the genocide and their families and loved ones. Genocide denial should not be acceptable anywhere and especially in the Balkans and North Macedonia which is characterised by multi-ethnicity and where acknowledging historical truths is crucial for peace and reconciliation and to break the narratives of divide.

Unprofessional reporting on mass crime in Montenegro

On January 1, 2025, a tragic mass shooting occurred in Cetinje, Montenegro, resulting in the deaths of 12 individuals, including two children. The perpetrator initiated the attack in a tavern, using an illegally possessed firearm. Over a span of approximately 30 minutes, he moved through the city, committing additional shootings at multiple locations. The police response was delayed due to incomplete information, which led to misdirected efforts and allowed the assailant to continue his rampage.

After being cornered by law enforcement near his residence, the attacker, named by police as Aco Martinović, attempted suicide and succumbed to his injuries on the way to hospital.

Following the Cetinje mass shooting, most media in Montenegro reported professionally, however, media coverage by certain Montenegrin outlets, Serbian tabloids and national TV stations like Pink and Happy, along with online commentary, fueled harmful and inflammatory narratives, speculating that the tragedy was driven by national tensions. Platforms like Borba, Aktuelno, Antena M, and IN4S in Montenegro reported recklessly, publishing articles filled with offensive stereotypes and inflammatory language, which encouraged violence and intolerance between ethnic, religious, and national groups. On social media, numerous posts and comments dehumanized the people of Cetinje, attributing the mass shooting to the collective mentality of the city. The media’s response to a tragedy as such is extremely problematic and only serves to fuel harmful narratives of divide along ethnic lines. In times like these when a tragedy occurs, it is a moment for solidarity and expressing condolences and support to those who fell victim to the incident and their loved ones.  Media reporting on platforms like Borba, Aktuelno, Antena M, and IN4S is irresponsible, dehumanises the people of Cetinje, and encourages violence and intolerance. Such reckless reporting not only distorts the truth but also exacerbates societal divisions, hindering efforts toward healing and preventing future tragedies.