Author: RDN
Trolls of the Month: Metropolitan of the Serbian Orthodox Church Joanikije, and Metropolitan Metodije of the Eparchy of Budimlja-Nikšić in Montenegro
July 3, 2025
The Balkan Troll of the Month is an individual, a group of individuals or a media outlet that spreads hate based on gender, ethnicity, religion, or other diversity categories. The Balkan Troll is selected based on hate speech incidents identified across the Western Balkan region.
On May 4th, the Metropolitan of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro, Joanikije made statements, glorifying a Chetnik commander responsible for numerous massacres of Muslims in Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Joanikije referred to Pavle Đurišić as a “great hero”.
Furthermore, the Metropolitan Metodije of the Eparchy of Budimlja-Nikšić continued the same revisionist narrative. Joanikije’s response triggered a reaction from numerous human rights groups and civil society across the region. Furthermore, no media in BiH, aside from Radio Free Europe, reported on the incident with context, whilst the rest of them merely repeated the reactions from Montenegro.
Following this incident, on June 7th, during a gathering at the Podmalinsko Monastery near Šavnik, Metodije glorified both Pavle Đurišić and Dragoljub Mihailović as “heroes” and “the first guerrilla fighters against fascism,” ignoring their documented crimes against civilians and minorities, including Muslims and partisans during World War II. Furthermore, he claimed that since the end of WWII, a “Titoist–Ustaša coalition” has ruled and committed genocide against the Serbian people—a historically false and inflammatory statement that portrays Tito (leader of the anti-fascist communist partisans) as allied with the Nazi-collaborating Ustaše. These statements constitute historical revisionism and political positioning cloaked in religious discourse, fueling identity-based tensions and distorting historical facts.
In response to these inflammatory remarks by both religious figures, on June 12, the Higher State Prosecutor’s Office in Bijelo Polje opened a case to investigate Metodije’s statements. The remarks were strongly criticised by civil society and the EU. Alongside this, several Montenegrin NGOs also filed a criminal complaint against Joanikije for inciting hatred through the glorification of the Chetnik movement. However, on June 18 (interestingly, the International Day for Countering Hate Speech), it was reported that the Prosecutor’s Office dismissed the complaint against Joanikije, raising deep concern among NGOs about the spread of hate speech and institutional inaction.
On the same day, the European Parliament adopted a resolution on Montenegro, explicitly condemning the glorification of war criminals and public denial of international verdicts.
Religious figures such as Joanikije and Metodije, have a large influence over public opinion and discourse.
Harmful statements that glorify war criminals and distort historical facts not only mislead the public but also deepen societal divisions and foster animosity. Leaders who hold positions of power should use their platform to spread good influence and truth to society rather than spreading hate, false information and glorifying acts of violence and far-right ideology.
In moments like these, individuals such as Jaonikije and Metodije should face the appropriate consequences for their actions and make public apologies for their statements. Inaction can result in the normalisation of such sentiments, which only impact negatively on society as a whole.
Manosphere in the Balkans: It’s a real thing
June 25, 2025
Manosphere. Incels. The 80/20 rule.
These terms gained broader attention after Netflix aired Adolescence, a show that follows a 13-year-old boy arrested for the murder of a girl at his school. The famous series sparked conversations among women about toxic masculinity and “alfa male” behaviour. But did men have the same discussions? Let’s hope so.
The underlying ideologies of the TV show are not fictional; it’s even far from fictional. Women – and men – feel the influence of the manosphere across the globe, including the Balkans.
UN Women defines manosphere as an umbrella term for online communities that have increasingly promoted narrow and aggressive definitions of what it means to be a man – and the false narrative that feminism and gender equality have come at the cost of men’s rights.
One of the most prominent figures in the manosphere is Andrew Tate, an influencer who gained fame among young men through his misogynistic rhetoric. Despite being charged by Romanian authorities in 2023 with human trafficking and rape, his popularity has remained largely unaffected. He continues to promote hypermasculinity and traditional gender roles, consistently positioning women as inferior.
Subtitled clips of Tate’s videos are shared widely on Serbian social media. But the influence doesn’t stop there. A growing local manosphere is beginning to take shape.
There are plenty of public figures who are promoting the same harmful values and spreading them across platforms like YouTube, TikTok, Telegram, and on mainstream media.
Peeking into the manosphere: What’s actually there?
Feminist and content creator Nikolina Pavićević, known as the face behind the popular Instagram account “Kritički” (which translates to “Critically” and focuses on feminism, women’s issues, and related social topics) says that incels are the most well-known and obvious example of the manosphere.
Merriam Webster dictionary defines incel as someone (usually a man) who regards himself or herself as being involuntarily celibate and typically expresses extreme resentment and hostility toward those who are sexually active.
Besides incels, the manosphere also includes pick-up artists – men who “teach” other men how to seduce women using scripted lines, manipulation tactics, and psychological strategies, turning women into “targets” and the entire process into a “game”.
The manosphere also includes the Red Pill community – a group of men who use the metaphor of “taking the red pill” to describe an “awakening” to what they see as truths about gender and relationships, often through a traditional and anti-feminist perspective.
Another common element is so-called alpha male training, which teaches men to be hypermasculine, dominant, and assertive, once again reinforcing traditional gender roles.
The 80/20 rule that was mentioned in the beginning represents the idea that 80 per cent of women are attracted to 20 per cent of men – a growing belief among young men about modern dating dynamics.
Unlike Andrew Tate’s aggressive and provocative style, many manosphere ideas are actually being delivered in a calm tone, often by “intellectual and well-dressed” men, or at least by those who appear that way, says Nikolina Pavićević.
“You see a man as patriarchy imagines him – an older man, a professor, someone with strong principles, wearing blazers and ties. He speaks in a seemingly calm tone and expresses just enough emotion to stay within the limits of what’s socially acceptable for a man. And that’s exactly what makes the message easy to digest and easy for them to latch onto,” says Pavićević.
All these “rules” and elements are just the tip of the iceberg when it comes to the manosphere.
How does the manosphere work?
The manosphere spreads through social media, recommendation algorithms, and influencers who often present ideas as self-improvement advice.
But why don’t young women see that content?
Social media algorithms are set up differently depending on whether you’re a man or a woman, explains Nikolina Pavićević.
“I asked some men with right-wing views to show me their TikTok algorithms. My feed and theirs looked like two completely different internets, there was no overlap at all. Even when we did find something in common, mine would be feminist content, and theirs would be a horrible reaction to that same content. So, in the end, we still weren’t seeing the same thing, not even close,” says Pavićević.
If you create a new account and set the gender to male, you’ll get completely different content which is often misogynistic and sexist.
“People tend to think they’re immune to media and the influence of social networks, but they’re not. What we consume online inevitably shapes us. Still, I think many people aren’t even aware of that. They’ll say things like: ‘Well, that just pops up on my feed,’ when they follow manosphere influencers. Or they’ll dismiss it with: ‘He doesn’t actually mean it,’ or ‘He just said that to go viral.’ In other words, they find ways to downplay the impact,” says Pavićević.
Manosphere – nothing new
If we look at it from a different perspective and beyond the online world, the root of the manosphere is actually patriarchy. Shocker, I know.
The only new thing is that these same values are now being shared online.
But don’t get me wrong, it doesn’t stop there. They constantly circulate between the online and offline worlds.
Founder of the Serbian feminist cultural centre BeFem Jelena Višnjić explains that the same kind of heteronormativity and patriarchy that has always existed is now being reproduced in online spaces. “It’s just an expansion of the old set of discriminatory practices, now including things like revenge porn, various forms of bullying, and online harassment.”
This digital reproduction of patriarchy also shapes how women are perceived and treated.
Višnjić adds that the men who promote manosphere views cannot tolerate any form of women’s emancipation or deviation from traditional, stereotypical roles.
“Their hatred is especially directed at feminists and women who are visible in public and media spaces. Any kind of power coming from women is unimaginable to them. In their view, feminism is to blame for everything – for taking away men’s rights, women, and children. Feminism, they say, has destroyed the family,” says Višnjić.
Consequences are bigger than we can imagine
Online misogyny and the manosphere are spilling into the real world, fuelling gender-based violence that is already deeply rooted in society.
Višnjić says that when different forms of masculinity or male behaviour are legitimized, and society fails to impose consequences for violent acts, it reveals a much deeper systemic failure. “It’s not just about the media and public discourse, but also about the judiciary and prosecution. What happens to men who have been violent toward women? Are they even arrested, prosecuted? Young men, even if they don’t follow traditional media, can open a news portal and see: a man killed a woman, he had a restraining order, and still, nothing happened.”
Writer Margaret Atwood once said, “Men are afraid that women will laugh at them. Women are afraid that men will kill them.” It may sound extreme, but it isn’t.
If you’re a woman, have you ever felt unsafe walking alone at night? Do you pretend to talk on the phone, just in case someone starts following you? Do you text your friends when you get home, finally able to breathe again?
If the answer is yes, then what Atwood wrote isn’t just a quote, it’s reality. And it shouldn’t be.
Višnjić says that society must realise that the road from online to offline violence is very short.
Even if it stays in the online world, it doesn’t mean it’s less horrifying. No. Online bullying and harassment are a form of violence, with real psychological consequences. And the manosphere is normalising this behaviour.
What is mainstream media doing?
Simply put, it’s helping the manosphere.
Journalist and media ethics expert Tamara Skrozza says that the radically patriarchal way of thinking has been mainstream in Serbian traditional media for years. “It’s not seen as something particularly important or special, it’s just taken for granted.”
Even with the most serious cases, such as femicides, traditional media – especially tabloids – manage to portray the man who murdered the woman as a victim.
“I see this as a serious tendency in the articles. The man is portrayed as the victim of the woman’s character. He was the one suffering through her flirting, her makeup, her independence – all traits considered undesirable in women. The man is just dealing with all of this, and eventually, he snaps. This isn’t stated explicitly in those articles, but it can easily be read between the lines,” says Skrozza.
It often happens that when femicide is in the spotlight, tabloids publish articles claiming that a worrying number of men are victims of domestic violence, even though the number is much higher for women.
Also, Skrozza says that tabloids and nationally broadcast TV channels in Serbia often invite people who are not relevant to feminist topics but who promote radically patriarchal views, shifting the narrative away from structural violence against women.
That’s when they rely on the presenting “both sides” rule, which, frankly, makes little sense when it comes to human rights issues.
Additionally, women are less often featured as experts or speakers on serious topics in the media. From this, one might mistakenly conclude that women are less informed or educated about serious and scientific matters.
“We can see that, in various ways, this approach to life is promoted, where men are seen as more valuable, where men are victims of female terror, and where men are, so to speak, number one on the planet,” says Skrozza.
On the other hand, when it comes to feminism, that is portrayed as a bogeyman threatening traditional values. “In mainstream media, feminism equals an aggressive woman, an immoral woman, a non-traditional woman, an unacceptable woman. No one will say it like that, but it’s implied,” says Skrozza.
What can we do?
Education is always the right path. But – and this is important – it must come from both men and women.
As Nikolina Pavićević points out, just as women tend to bond and listen to other women, men are more likely to listen to and look up to other men.
“We are a patriarchal society. I don’t think it’s realistic or fair to expect women to completely change everything – every part of the internet, life, and daily routine,” says Pavićević.
This also applies to things in private life.
“I think men should be addressing other men when it comes to these issues and really take their time to act. For example, if you see a friend harassing a woman, you shouldn’t just think: ‘Well, that’s just how he is,’ but actually do something about it. The same goes for online space – when you see this kind of behaviour spreading, you should speak up instead of staying silent, thinking, ‘I’m one of the good men,’” says Pavićević.
Additionally, Višnjić says that it’s very important for representatives of feminist and youth groups to be included in school systems. “And together, they should teach democracy and civic rights. I believe that dialogue, education, empathy, and learning to listen to each other and embrace diversity is probably the only way forward.”
On a more optimistic note, Višnjić says that the new generation of women and feminists has truly broken the silence around misogyny and the violence women endure, especially by using online spaces. “I believe that these various oppressive practices will become much more visible.”
She adds that young women are breaking down the boundaries that patriarchy has built over centuries.
“Today, young women in small rural communities probably access information and deconstruct social stigmas much faster than women from our generation could. So, I really think online spaces can be places of freedom if we manage to use them effectively,” Višnjić concludes.
In the end, when – not if – society breaks away from patriarchy, the media will change too. Media has always been, and will always be, a reflection of the society it serves. Change might seem impossible now, but not so long ago, even the idea of women voting seemed like a fantasy.
Author: Iva Gajić
Monthly Highlights May: Sexism and racism alongside gendered, ethnic and religious hate speech
June 17, 2025
During the month of May, the RDN monitoring team detected a range of hateful narratives and discourse fuelled by sexism, racism, and Islamophobia alongside ethnic and gendered hate speech.
Sexism in Kosovo and Albania
Local elections are supposed to be held in Kosovo in September, but political parties have already begun preparations to gain as many votes as possible and take the lead. The biggest battle will take place for the municipality of Pristina, which has the country’s largest local budget.
At present, the municipality is locked in a dispute with the public waste management company “Pastrimi,” which has decided to go on strike. The dispute centres on Pastrimi claims that the municipality of Pristina owes it several million euros, something the mayor disputes, and the hiring of two private companies for garbage collection. The mayor asserts that the municipality does not owe Pastrimi any money, and it is dissatisfied with the company’s performance and management.
Journalist Edona Gashi from the Piranjat TV programme attempted to conduct an interview with the mayor of Pristina, Përparim Rama, regarding the issue of garbage collection. In response to her question about why he had signed a contract with two private companies and what would happen to the 800 Pastrimi workers, Rama addressed her, among other things, with the words “zemër” (darling/heart) and “loçkë” (sweetie), to which the journalist reacted, saying that he had no right to use such terms. She later accused him of promoting a sexist narrative.
Gashi works for an investigative journalism outlet in Albania, and she was determined to get answers from the mayor. This sexist narrative was condemned by the Association of Journalists of Kosovo, which in a statement emphasised that with such language, the mayor of Pristina attempted to minimise the issue and undermine the journalist’s professional credibility, calling on him to issue a public apology.
“This behaviour clearly reflects the patriarchal and unsafe environment in which women journalists in Kosovo are forced to work every day,” the Association of Journalists of Kosovo stated in its communication. It is unacceptable for someone in a position of power, such as the mayor of Pristina, to use his platform to undermine a fellow female citizen and spread sexist narratives. Such behaviour must be called out and held to account.
In the aftermath of the May 2025 parliamentary elections in Albania, several candidates both men and women requested access to CCTV footage from vote-counting centres to verify the integrity of preferential vote results. Among them was Blerina Gjylameti, a Socialist Party candidate who narrowly lost her mandate to fellow party member Olta Xhaçka. While male candidates such as Xhemal Qefalia, Frrok Gjini, Aulon Kalaja, and others submitted similar requests, media coverage disproportionately focused on Gjylameti’s appeal, framing it primarily as a personal reaction to an intra-party rivalry between two women.
In contrast, the requests made by male candidates were either reported in a neutral tone or received minimal media attention. The heightened scrutiny of Gjylameti, often accompanied by suggestive language, emotional framing, or insinuations of party disloyalty, reveals a gendered double standard in the media’s treatment of electoral challenges.
Gjylameti’s public statement following the election emphasised gratitude and a continued commitment to political service. However, her initial participation in a collective request for vote verification was repeatedly singled out in media coverage, even though she—like several male candidates—later withdrew the request, reportedly due to pressure from party leadership. While some articles briefly mentioned other candidates who made similar requests, the media disproportionately used Gjylameti’s name and image as the visual anchor of the story, making her the symbolic face of the recount narrative.
Moreover, some media outlets amplified Prime Minister Rama’s message, which implicitly discouraged any challenge to the results, framing such actions as harmful to party unity. In this context, Gjylameti’s expression of emotion and symbolic language was framed in stark contrast to the neutral or procedural reporting used for male candidates, exposing a potential gender bias in how women’s political actions are portrayed— often more personalised, emotionally charged, and subject to greater scrutiny. In this case, there is clear evidence of sexism and gender bias in the reporting of the same issue—where one subject is a man and the other a woman. All individuals should be reported on with equal fairness and consistency, regardless of gender. By framing differently based on gender, this serves to legitimise criticism towards female political candidates whilst giving a free pass to their male counterparts.
Racism in Bosnia and Herzegovina
The Respekt Football Club informed the public that hate speech, racist insults, discrimination, violations of fundamental human rights, and violations of the Convention on the Rights of the Child occurred during a match on Sunday May 11. The Club shared the information on its Facebook page.
It was stated that during the match, the coach/representative of the El Tarik team, Sanin Glavašević, publicly and loudly insulted a player of the Respekt Football Club on several occasions, calling him a “black man”. The Club condemned the statement and emphasised that such behaviour is unacceptable in sports, especially when it comes from a coach who should be a role model for young people.
It was also said that Glavašević made severe verbal attacks on children with disabilities, parents and fans of the club, including threats such as “I will kill you all”.
The statement of the Respekt Football Club also stated that the club has been operating without membership fees for a decade and is dedicated to the inclusion and empowerment of children from marginalised groups, children with developmental disabilities, and children without support.
In response to this incident, several demands were made by the Club, including the urgent initiation of disciplinary proceedings against coach Sanin Glavašević, as well as public condemnation and sanctioning of racist and discriminatory behaviour.
The media in BiH reported the case, citing the statement from the Football Club’s Facebook page. It is not known whether disciplinary proceedings have been initiated against Glavašević or whether there has been any reaction to the case at all, as the media has not reported further. Discrimination and racism have no place in any part of society — including on the football pitch. A coach, who serves as both a role model and mentor to young people, should lead by example, not misuse their position to spread hatred and racism.
Harmful speech enhancing ethnic tensions in Montenegro
The Metropolitan of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro Joakinije – a respected prominent figure head in the Orthodox Church – recently called Chetnik commander Pavle Ðurišić “a great hero of invincible character”.
Pavle Ðurišić and his unit were responsible for the mass killings of Muslim civilians in northern Montenegro, Sandžak, and eastern Bosnia during WWII. He was even awarded Hitler’s Iron Cross for his “military virtues”.
In response to the Metropolitan’s statements, many leading media outlets reported responsibly on the case by publishing reactions from NGO’s, politicians, and editorials condemning the glorification of a known war criminal. However, at the same time, some pro-Serbian outlets in the country painted a different picture. The unregistered portal IN4S published a column titled “We are All Pavle Ðurišić” written by a Serbian Orthodox priest, in which he describes Ðurišić as a “great fighter for our people”. The column stood to glorify as well as defend the entire Chetnik movement claiming it to be an ally of Western democracies, justifying this by arguing that Serbia officially rehabilitated the movement, whilst criticising Montenegro for not doing the same.
Another media portal, Barski Info published a column titled “When the Truth (About Pavle Ðurišić) Hurts”, glorifying him as a figure of Serbian identity and heritage. The column also targeted ethnic minorities in the country, accusing the Albanian minority of promoting the so-called Greater Albania narrative.
Statements such as those spread by Joakinije and upheld by media outlets, undermine regional reconciliation and truth. Instead, they serve to sow the seeds of division across the region, while simultaneously disrespecting the victims of the atrocities and wars that took place.
Gendered and ethnic hate speech in North Macedonia
In a Facebook post, Danela Arsovska, Mayor of Skopje, publicly addresses Visar Ganiu, the Mayor of the Municipality of Čair and a member of Democratic Union for Integration (DUI), in a highly confrontational and accusatory tone. The post was framed as a personal and political attack, loaded with insults, gendered provocation, and ethnic subtext.
The post directed insults such as “измеќар” (lackey), “лажеш” (you are lying), “лопову криминален” (criminal thief), and threats to “expose” all his alleged illegal dealings. Furthermore, Arsovska challenged Ganiu’s masculinity explicitly “те чекав ако си маж” (I was waiting for you if you are a man), implying cowardice and positioning herself as fearlessly superior. She then called for public shaming by appealing to thousands of people who allegedly gave money for illegal buildings to “come to Čair and demand their money back,” effectively mobilising public outrage against Ganiu and, implicitly, his supporters.
By mentioning Čair—a predominantly Albanian municipality—and the reference to “Изет” (likely DUI figure Izet Mexhiti), this embeds her message within the broader ethnic-political divide between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians.
While the post is ostensibly a political exposé of alleged corruption, its tone, language, and threats of mass mobilisation contribute to a hostile and inflammatory atmosphere, likely to incite hatred, intimidation, and possibly interethnic resentment. Using social media platforms to spread hate—where such content is widely visible—is an irresponsible abuse of one’s platform and influence. Regardless of political difference, this cannot be a justification or excuse to spread hate in any form.
Sexism and relativisation of gender-based violence in Serbia
As the protests in Serbia continue, and remain the key topic in almost all media outlets, reporting lacked in cases of sexism and relativisation of gender-based violence in local parliaments.
Mayor of Požarevac Saša Pavlović insulted opposition MP Dragana Spasojević in the local Parliament in Požarevac. In response to her speech about air pollution in Kostolac (part of Požarevac municipality) he told her: “take my phone number if you want to have a partner relationship with me”. This was followed by laughter in the room at the session. He later addressed this situation saying this was taken out of context and that he previously told all MPs to feel free to call him as they have his phone number. He did not apologise for what he said.
In Užice, also during a local parliamentary session, one MP pointed to violence against women allegedly committed by an unnamed member of the Assembly. The President of the Assembly Dragoljub Stojadinović replied saying that “you cannot bring up the private life of anyone here”.
Although the domestic violence accusations against the MP were allegation and the due presumption of innocence should also be respected, it is highly problematic to frame domestic violence as a ‘private matter’. Not only is domestic violence not a private matter, but it is also a criminal act with deep roots in patriarchal societies which has traditionally treated it as a ‘private matter’. Likewise, having knowledge of someone’s alleged acts of violence is not a private matter, but a reason to inform the authorities about it without any calculations.
Through this kind of public speech, domestic violence and violence against women is normalised and relativised, and the silence of the institutions is further legitimised. It is dangerous when public officials relativise the importance and character of violence, especially when they do so in institutions that belong to all citizens.
The media have a huge role in this – primarily educational. It is necessary to inform and educate the public about gender-based violence, its causes, consequences and frequency.
Monthly Highlights April: Misogyny, hatred towards people with disabilities, religious discrimination and hatred in the context of student activism and elections
May 9, 2025
During April, the RDN monitoring team detected a range of hateful narratives and discourse fuelled by misogyny and religious intolerance coupled up with hatred spread in the context of student protests in Serbia and elections in Albania and Montenegro and towards people with disabilities.
Misogyny in Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina
In Kosovo since Leonida Molliqaj, an activist with the NGO QIKA, explained that she could not participate in a scheduled debate on Klan Kosova TV about the rape of a minor due to prior commitments, journalist Kron Sadiku from the show Kosovo Today responded with a series of threats.
Sadiku launched defamatory accusations against feminist organisations in Kosovo, claiming that “men have to step up and speak out about women’s issues, while your organisations are misusing funds.” He even went as far as naming specific international organisations and announced that he was prepared to produce a special episode “with evidence” to expose what he alleged to be the misuse of resources by women’s organisations at the expense of the feminist cause.
Furthermore, he referenced a previous symbolic action organised by QIKA, falsely claiming that “you endangered the lives of Klan Kosova employees” — a statement related to the action taken in protest of the Atilla Kardesh case. These remarks, among others, were shared by Molliqaj on her Facebook profile.
Last year, TV Klan Kosova was fined €30,000 for inviting Atilla Kardesh — a person convicted of domestic violence — to participate in the Big Brother show. Following strong reactions from civil society, the broadcaster was forced to remove Kardesh from the show. However, he was still invited to the studio to comment on developments inside the Big Brother house.
This decision was again met with strong opposition from civil society, especially from feminist organisations and those working on women’s rights. While it cannot be stated with certainty, one of the reasons activist Molliqaj refused to participate in the Klan Kosova TV programme appears to be the fact that her organisation, along with several others, considers Klan Kosova to be a sexist media outlet. Journalist Kron Sadiku, through his narrative, has only further reinforced such claims.
The threats and defamatory remarks directed at activist Leonida Molliqaj and feminist organisations in Kosovo are unacceptable and reflect a broader pattern of misogyny in society and attempts to silence women’s voices in public discourse.
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the media reported on the death of Turkish model Güler Erdoğan in a sensationalist and unprofessional manner, prioritising clicks over ethical journalism. Most outlets claimed she travelled to Giresun with her family, drank alcohol, and fled from police—an unverified narrative that allegedly led to her death. Despite reporting that her family did not comment, the family in fact issued a public statement urging people not to believe misleading media reports.
Several outlets falsely labelled her as “Miss Balkans,” though her official title, as listed on her Instagram profile, was “Miss Freedom of Balkans 2022.” This misrepresentation appears aimed at framing the story as a regional or “shared” tragedy, which it is not. The coverage reflects a broader pattern of media exploiting the death of a young woman without verifying facts, undermining journalistic integrity and the public interest.
The media have a role and responsibility to report in an ethical and unbiased manner. By reporting on the death of the Turkish model Güler Erdoğan in a sensationalistic manner and even probing accusations putting the blame on the victim and her habits, this goes against all standards of professional journalism. The media has a responsibility to verify facts before sharing information with the public; its role is to inform, not to pass judgment.
Hatred towards people with disabilities in North Macedonia
In North Macedonia, a notary verbally abused a blind man during an appointment, shouting at him and calling him “illiterate,” and criticizing him for “not looking” and “not listening.” After investigating the incident, a commission concluded that it was a serious case of discrimination. The investigation also uncovered that people with disabilities were routinely being charged three times the regular price for notary services. This was mainly because people with disabilities—particularly those with visual impairments—are often accompanied by others, which results in them being charged more.
After the incident became public, media outlets across the country gave it significant attention. Newspapers, television stations, news websites, and social media platforms reported on the case, often using strong and direct headlines that highlighted the hate speech and discrimination involved. However, many of these headlines used offensive language, which not only echoed the notary’s harmful words but also raised concerns about media ethics. By repeating such language, the media may have inadvertently perpetuated the same hate speech they were reporting on, breaching journalistic standards that aim to avoid sensationalism and respect the dignity of all individuals. The media has a crucial role in preventing the spread of hatred and discrimination. Rather than offering a platform for hateful narratives, they should use their reach to promote respect for all individuals and hold those who spread hate accountable.
Religious discrimination in Montenegro
During the lead-up to the April 13th mayoral elections in Nikšić, Montenegro, the political climate was marked by divisive rhetoric and instances of hate speech. Marko Kovačević, the candidate from the New Serbian Democracy and the incumbent mayor, was re-elected, but his campaign drew significant controversy for provoking ethnic and political tensions.
On April 7th, the pro-Serbian nationalist portal Borba, which supports Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić’s party, published a statement attributed to Kovačević. At a political rally, he reportedly declared, “Everyone who votes for DPS on April 13th is a criminal and a thief like Milo Đukanović,” a remark targeting both the opposition Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) and its long-time leader.
Further controversy followed on April 11th during a televised debate on the Okvir programme. Kovačević stated that the DPS candidate, Boris Muratović, might be suitable to govern municipalities like Rožaje, Plav, Gusinje, or Cetinje — but “definitely not Nikšić.” These comments were widely interpreted as ethnically and religiously charged. Rožaje, Plav, and Gusinje have majority Muslim populations, and Cetinje is known as a center of Montenegrin identity. Although Muratović is not a Muslim, his surname, derived from “Murat,” alludes to Sultan Murat and evokes nationalist myths around the Battle of Kosovo. The implication was clear: Kovačević was asserting that only an ethnic Serb should govern Nikšić.
These statements show how the political campaign in Montenegro is identity-based, as it deals with national, religious, and identity issues. It, furthermore, fuels religious and ethnic intolerance, as well as division within the civic, multi-ethnic, and multicultural Montenegro.
Hate speech during electoral campaign in Albania
During the 2025 electoral campaign, Prime Minister Edi Rama made several controversial statements that have raised concerns about misogyny, ableism, and discriminatory rhetoric. The campaign, led by the Socialist Party (PS), included extensive outreach events across municipalities such as Kamëz, Kolonjë, Berat, and others. However, several campaign statements have raised serious concerns regarding the use of misogynistic, ableist, and discriminatory language, especially against women, persons with disabilities, political opponents, and citizens with differing political affiliations.
On the 11th of April, during a political event, Prime Minister Edi Rama publicly referred to the Speaker of Parliament, Elisa Spiropali, using the term “mamicë”—a diminutive, patronising nickname that trivializes her role and position. While the term may appear informal or even affectionate, in a professional and political context, it reinforces gender stereotypes, undermines the authority of women leaders, and reduces their contributions to maternal or supportive roles rather than positions of power. On April 20, 2025, during a meeting in Kamëz, Rama urged young women to pressure their boyfriends into supporting the Socialist Party, further promoting political loyalty through coercive language. Alongside this, Prime Minister Edi Rama made several offensive statements, including the use of the term “autik” (autistic) to label political opponents as mentally unfit for choosing alternatives to his political platform. On April 19th, during a campaign rally in Kolonjë, Rama repeatedly referred to opposition figures as “bufi i kënetës” (swamp owl) and their supporters as “kukumjaçka” (screech owls), reinforcing the idea that those outside his camp are lesser or irrational. Furthermore, during a campaign rally in Berat, Edi Rama referred to his political opponents with dehumanizing metaphors and personal insults. Notably, he called Eno Bozdo, PD’s candidate in Berat, a “qyp arkeologjik” (archaeological jar), and a “vazo pa vlerë” (worthless vase), mocking his relevance and intelligence. And finally, on April 24th, following a verbal slip by Sali Berisha during a campaign address, in which he mistakenly stated “Demokratët do të marrin shtëpitë” (Democrats will take the houses), Edi Rama mocked the incident by sharing a video of a buffoonish owl on social media, captioned “Eh eh eh…” to suggest idiocy.
While Albanian media has played a vital role in documenting incidents of offensive language and hate speech during the 2025 electoral campaign—particularly those involving Prime Minister Edi Rama—it is important to reflect critically on how this coverage is unfolding.
A review of coverage from outlets such as Shqiptarja.com, Top Channel, A2 CNN, Panorama, Dosja.al, and Syri.net reveals a recurring pattern: Rama’s controversial statements are reported almost in real time, often with headlines quoting inflammatory phrases verbatim—such as “bufi i kënetës,” “autik,” and “çyryk.” These headlines are widely circulated, shared across social media, and repeatedly referenced in commentary segments, increasing their visibility and resonance. The media should not amplify discriminatory language and hatred but rather use its platform to hold those who spread such rhetoric accountable, avoiding sensationalism and contributing instead to a more respectful and informed public discourse and political debate.
Hatred surrounding the student protests in Serbia
On the evening of April 14th, students began blocking all buildings of Serbia’s public broadcasting services—two Radio Television of Serbia (RTS) buildings in Belgrade and the Radio Television of Vojvodina building in Novi Sad—calling on citizens to join them. For two full weeks, access to these buildings was limited, and staff were unable to work normally.
The students declared they would remain there until either new elections for the REM Council were called or RTS until ”shuts down”. The REM Council has been inactive since November 4th, when previous members’ mandates expired.
CSOs and journalist associations raised concerns over the previous REM selection process, urging the National Assembly to ensure legally qualified candidates.
On April 28th, the Parliamentary Committee for Culture and Information annulled the controversial November 2024 REM Council elections and launched a new procedure for nominating members, meeting the students’ core demand.
RTS filed criminal charges against unknown individuals for disrupting their broadcast. The 14-day blockade significantly impacted programming: most days saw only two news shows, aired from undisclosed locations, and for the first time since October 5th, 2000, RTS did not air its late-night news program Dnevnik 3.
During this period, RTS mostly broadcast old films and pre-recorded content. Journalists faced harsh working conditions—some had their personal information shared online, “wanted poster”-style flyers with their photos appeared near RTS buildings, and some were summoned for “informational interviews” by the Security Intelligence Agency (BIA).
Several cases of harmful and hateful reporting were detected during these two weeks.A group of RTS workers “Naš pRoTeSt” stated that during a news segment on the public broadcasting service on April 17th, presenter Vesna Radosavljević compared students in the blockade to “mechanisms of control and censorship from the past, such as the Press Chamber of Nazi Germany”. Naš pRoTeSt added they “demand from the editor-in-chief of the Information Program Nenad LJ. Stefanović and his assistants Gorislav Papić and Zoran Stanojević to urgently inform us who is the author of the text in which the students in blockade are compared to Nazis”. They also asked which editor approved this text to be read.
In another case, the tabloid Informer published an article highlighting a social media post in which a man joked about finding a Spanish guy at the RTS blockade, captioned with: “Cruising works in front of RTS.”. Informer used this post for this text saying, “the RTS blockade is turning into a gay orgy”. Alongise this, Informer TV aired a photo of a young man at the blockade of RTS buildings holding a sign that reads “Death to patriarchy, freedom to the people”.
Informer editor-in-chief Dragan J. Vučićević used this photo to create a spin on how students wished death to the Patriarch of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Porfirije. Spreading misinformation and hatred online towards the public regarding the students and their activism, only contributes to deepening the divide in society and painting an inaccurate picture of the events taking place, shifting online hate to real-life consequences. The media should play no role in contributing to the spread of misinformation and hatred.
Troll of the Month: Petar Bogojeski, leader of the Macedonian Concept party
May 9, 2025
The Balkan Troll of the Month is an individual, a group of individuals or a media outlet that spreads hate based on gender, ethnicity, religion, or other diversity categories. The Balkan Troll is selected based on hate speech incidents identified across the Western Balkan region.
The appointment of Petar Bogojeski, leader of the Macedonian Concept party – a small right-wing party – as the new director of the National Agency for European Educational Programs and Mobility is deeply problematic and worrying. His appointment raises justified concerns regarding his publicly documented background.
Rather than embodying the values of education, youth empowerment, and European cooperation, Bogojeski brings a history of offensive, vulgar, and discriminatory rhetoric. European values rest upon the foundations of democracy, human rights and inclusion – values which seem incompatible with Bogojeski’s attitudes and narratives.
Records show that Bogojeski’s social media posts have a pattern of aggressive behavior, including sexist and homophobic insults, as well as derogatory remarks targeting ethnic Albanians. Much of this hateful language is shared through his private social media accounts and reflects the incompatibility with valuese of respect and inclusion.
Such language is fundamentally at odds with the mission of the agency he now leads—particularly its role in implementing the Erasmus+ program, which promotes intercultural exchange, inclusion, and respect for diversity. Bogojeski’s conduct raises serious concerns about his suitability to represent North Macedonia in a European context, and to serve a diverse youth population with the integrity and respect they deserve.
Bogojeski’s appointment has raised significant concerns about political motivations, especially considering that he was selected by a government coalition that includes and represents Albanian political parties—despite serious allegations against him for promoting hate speech targeting those very communities. The European Commission has also voiced its concern, clearly stating that it had no involvement in the selection process. In response, it has requested a formal meeting with North Macedonia’s Ministry of Education to further address the issue.
Civil society organisations have echoed these concerns, stressing that public institutions must uphold the fundamental values of respect, dignity, diversity, and integrity toward all communities. This case highlights a troubling inconsistency between the values professed by both national institutions and European partners and the actions taken through political appointments. Allowing individuals with a history of discriminatory rhetoric to assume influential public roles undermines the credibility of democratic governance and the commitment to inclusive, pluralistic societies.
Escaping to the future
April 29, 2025
“My main motivation for going to study abroad was the desire for change, in the sense that I wanted to experience living somewhere abroad in my twenties,” says one of the Montenegrin students currently studying in Slovenia.
The emigration of young people is not just a problem for a society in Montenegro, but also elsewhere in the region. There are many students from other Balkan countries with a similar story.
Kristijan is from North Macedonia and he is studying mechanical engineering in Ljubljana. His decision to study abroad was based on the fact that the mechanical engineering university in Ljubljana is among the best in the field in Eastern Europe, but also the most cost-efficient one.
He lives with a few roommates because he cannot get a place in student dormitories. “A typical day for me starts with going to classes,” Kristijan explains. “In between, we usually have two breaks. Afterward, we have auditory exercises or laboratory exercises. The auditory ones are really similar to the classes we attend, but they focus on tasks and math and physics problems. The laboratory exercises are different depending on the subject, but we are always divided into smaller groups of people, usually four to eight. This is when we work on projects, receive grades, and gain practical knowledge of the theoretical concepts we’ve studied. At the end of the day, I revise in the library and participate in sports programs offered by the university.”
Most of the young Balkan citizens decide toleave their countries due to poor social, living, and economic standards and conditions. In Montenegro, one fifth of the youth expressed desire to leave, shows the 2024 Youth Study from Southeast Europe by the “Friedrich Ebert” Foundation.
“Young people are continuously leaving Montenegro. The causes of such phenomena should be sought in the unstable economic and political environment, which provides fertile ground for the continuation of non-European practices, such as party-based and nepotistic employment, corruption, lawlessness, captured media, and insufficient support for youth, or merely declarative support that does not reflect the genuine attitude of decision-makers,” says David Vukićević, president of the Network for Youth Activism of Montenegro (MOACG).
For young people from the Western Balkans, the United States (US) are one of the most desirable destinations to move to. But many of their visa applications are being rejected. In 2024, more than third of the American visa applications in Kosovo, Montenegro and Albania were unsuccessful. In Macedonia, the rejection rate was 28 percent.
Some decide to stay in Europe
Josif is a 21-year old Macedonian studying Computer Science at the University of Bristol. His typical day consists of attending classes and consultations with professors about grades and innovative projects. The classes are taught through presentations and practical work, and his study materials are in electronic form or can be found in the library.
“Even though I enjoy being here, I feel a deeper connection to my home country and the people there. Even here, I hang out with Macedonians,” says Josif. He got the opportunity to study abroad due to a scholarship offered by the Ministry of Education.
The scholarship requires the student to be accepted at one of the top 100 ranked universities on the Shanghai List, the Academic Ranking of World Universities evaluated by the number of scientific papers published in international journals and the number of Nobel Prize winners. Although none of the North Macedonia’s universities have been included in the Shanghai List in the past few years, the country’s Ministry provides scholarships for those on the Shanghai List that covers most of the students’ expenses. After graduating, a student must return and work in their home country for a few years.
Josif says the only reason he would return to North Macedonia is because of his family and friends; career-wise, he says that the opportunities abroad are much more appealing. Since he will return to North Macedonia after learning everything he can at the University of Bristol, he hopes that the knowledge and experience he gains in the UK will be awarded with a sufficient salary at home.
In the past decade, an increasing number of Macedonian students have sought educational opportunities beyond the country’s borders. Faced with challenges in meeting their academic aspirations, many are drawn to institutions abroad, where they anticipate more advanced curricula, cutting-edge facilities, and greater professional prospects. This trend, however, reflects deeper, systemic issues within North Macedonia’s higher education system, and as the number of students leaving continues to rise, it raises profound questions about the capacity of the country’s academic institutions to retain young talent and foster an environment conducive to innovation and progress.
According to a Westminster Foundation for Democracy study, North Macedonia invests between 116 and 433 million euros annually in educating and training young people who then leave the country. In the past 30 years, there has been a 10% reduction in the nation’s population because of the significant emigration of highly skilled students. And it seems unlikely that this number will stop growing.
No jobs for young people
Although there is no official statistic on how many Montenegrins live abroad, data from the Society of Statisticians and Demographers show that on the census date in 2023, around a third of Montenegrin citizens, or 213,478 people, were living abroad.
“Although data was collected for 44,017 people in the census, this accounts for only 20 percent of the estimated diaspora, while 80 percent, or 169,461 people, were not included because at the time of the census, they did not have a household member present in Montenegro who could
provide information on their behalf,” says Gordana Radojević from the DSDCG.
The population census currently represents the only source of data on young people studying abroad. According to the latest census, 8,230 citizens of Montenegro reside abroad for educational purposes, of which 43 percent, or 3,607 people, are studying in Serbia.
David Vukićević from MOACG thinks that the data clearly indicates that Montenegro lacks an adequate pro-natalist policy, but also that “young people continue to seek their happiness beyond the borders of their homeland. “
The conditions and quality of upbringing and life, success during the educational process and the prerequisites for achieving it, opportunities for improvement, employment, advancement, and economic independence are key determinants that shape the attitudes of young people, explains Vukićević.
“Entering the labor market is somewhat easier for young people due to the deficit of the appropriate workforce and the rise in minimum net wages. However, due to the constant rise in prices, this effect is gradually weakening, although it is still present. At the same time, work performance is expected to match current wage levels, but the education system has not adequately prepared those who are just entering the labor market for such conditions. I acknowledge the continuous efforts of the Ministry of Education, Science, and Innovation and the Ministry of Sports and Youth in improving the position of young people, but without adequate support from the Ministry of Finance and the Government of Montenegro, it is difficult to achieve tangible results,” he says.
Data from the World Bank shows that in the last decade alone, more than 2.5 million people have left the Western Balkans in search of better living conditions in Western Europe, indicating that this is a regional trend rather than an issue present in just one country.
IT and engineering studies amongst the most desired
One of the key issues of migration in the region is the departure of highly educated young people, experts in fields such as IT, engineering, medicine, and other crucial sectors commonly known as STEM stands for Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics
While North Macedonia has a deep cultural history that is reflected in its art, music, and literature, the arts programs in the country are struggling to offer students appealing opportunities, and students eager to pursue a career in such a field have gone looking for their education abroad. While the STEM programs are often viewed as more profitable and more important, the arts and studying such a program are often seen as a luxury rather than a necessity.
Ivana studying at Ithaca College, says that the nature of the job she is studying for often requires international cooperation and experience, and in the USA, there are many more options for networking, film festivals, productions, publications, and opportunities. However, she wants to do the same at home.
“I have always wanted to contribute in one way or another to the development of Macedonian culture and art and its promotion around the world,” she explains. “I would still like to be active in North Macedonia and the Balkans through certain engagements in the field of film and photography.”
Digitalized universities
The students studying abroad and interviewed for this article shared different experiences compared to students getting degrees in North Macedonia, where necessities such as digital books are still a foreign concept at the universities.
In 2023 a study by the Forum for Educational Change and European Endowment for Democracy found that the digitalization in the public universities is severely underdeveloped.
„Despite the increasing use of technology in education worldwide, many public universities in North Macedonia still rely on traditional teaching and learning methods. This includes the use of physical textbooks and lectures, the use of paper indexes (despite the fact that there is an online grading system), in-person semester registration and physical consultations, rather than using online resources.“
The research findings show that there is a significant digitalization gap in state universities and that significant efforts are needed to improve the infrastructure, resources, and training needed to support digitalization in these institutions. It also points out the percentage of the budget allocated to digitalization in state universities in North Macedonia remains relatively low.
The Macedonian Statistics Office does not keep numbers on how many of the citizens study abroad. The only thing they can tell us is that there are currently 400 students under their scholarсhip studying at the top 100 universities in the world.
Not only young people are leaving their homeland. In Montenegro, unlike in the second half of the last century, when the country was mainly leaving lower-skilled labor, in recent decades, many of those leaving are highly educated.
“Unfortunately, the Ministry of Internal Affairs does not have accurate data on the number of emigrated citizens or the reasons for their departure, as those leaving Montenegro do not deregister their residence in order to retain certain rights in Montenegro, which makes it difficult to assess the overall scope of migration. Therefore, systematic monitoring of migration is the first and most important step, especially considering that, according to research on youth, we have a stable 50 percent of young people who wish to leave Montenegro,” says demographer Miroslav Doderović.
The continuous emigration from Montenegro, mostly of younger residents, is also confirmed by the official data from the State Statistics Bureau (Monstat), according to which Montenegro had 615,035 inhabitants in the 1991 census, and 32 years later, in 2023, only a few thousand more – 623,633, including over 90,000 foreign nationals.
One of the top immigration destinations is Germany where officially there are 10,413 citizens of Montenegro.
Why leave
Key measures that can influence the factors driving and pulling migration include increasing the efficiency of active labor market programs, with an emphasis on integrating long-term unemployed individuals and young people.
“Long-term unemployment is one of the key challenges in Montenegro. Despite positive trends in the labor market, long-term unemployment represents a high percentage of 72 percent in 2023, compared to total unemployment. The long-term unemployment rate was almost 12 percent in 2019. The largest group among the long-term unemployed are those seeking employment for the first time, mostly recent graduates,” explains Doderović.
As the main reason for leaving Montenegro, the majority cited the economy, while half of the surveyed Montenegrin citizens says they moved abroad for family reasons, and some for educational purposes.
“The largest number of registered Montenegrin citizens are working, studying, or residing in Germany, with a total of 10,413. The largest number of registered individuals working or studying abroad comes from Podgorica, with 6,384 people,” says Monstat.
“For a more comprehensive understanding of the migration issue, particularly the structure of the population leaving Montenegro, detailed research is needed so that policymakers and decision- makers can more clearly target key problems and propose programs to retain and attract the population,” says Doderović.
The emigration of young people from the Balkans, especially from Montenegro and North Macedonia, poses a serious challenge to the future of these countries. While young people are leaving in search of better education, job opportunities, and a higher quality of life, this trend has long-term consequences on the development of the region. Although there are numerous initiatives aimed at halting this trend, such as improving the education system, better working conditions, and creating new opportunities for young people, it is clear that only through joint efforts at the regional and international levels can we create conditions in which young people can stay and contribute to the further development of their countries.
Authors: Kristina Radović & Antonija Janevska
Aggressors and victims at the same time
April 25, 2025
Boys are caught between expectations, isolation and violence.
Every morning, before he wakes up, I open the door to his room with great care, so as not to disturb his sleep. There is something magical about his face while he’s sleeping — maybe it reminds me of when he was little. I listen carefully to how he moves. He has a certain rhythm in his steps: when he leaves the room and closes the door, when he brushes his teeth, washes his face, combs his hair. I know this rhythm better than my own breath. And yet, every day I have doubts. Some days, it feels like I’m too gentle as a parent. I let him drift through networks, through conversations I don’t understand, through a world that no longer needs me as a parent or even as a listener. Some days, I get anxious. I check his bag, his closet, his clothes — I analyze everything, even the way he greets me in the morning.
I don’t know what’s normal anymore for a 17-year-old or for the parent of one. The boundaries we once thought we understood, where care ends and fear begins or when anxiety quietly takes over, are fading away. “It’s a phase,” my friends with older children tell me. Adolescence is like that. But often, it doesn’t feel like a phase or an age thing — it feels like a fading language, a changing presence, a silence where thoughts used to live. It’s the short answers — “OK,” “nothing,” “none” — that leave you feeling like a mere spectator, just praying, and praying and praying that nothing bad happens to them.
I know I’m not alone on this journey. I can feel how we’re all growing tired of a world that’s falling apart and becoming more alienating by the day — a world that doesn’t even give us time to figure out how to protect ourselves, let alone our children. This sense of confusion is something many parents of teenagers share. It’s becoming the norm for our children not to talk to us, to grow up with other faces, guided by invisible authorities we can’t see — whose presence we feel in every unanswered question, in every avoided glance.
I watched the series “Adolescence,” directed by Philip Barantini and written by Stephen Graham and Jack Thorne, in what felt like one breath. It was not so much for the story it tells, but for the way it reveals a fear we haven’t yet named — the fear that we may be losing touch with our children. The series opens with the arrest of Jamie Miller, a 13-year-old boy played by Owen Cooper, for the murder of his classmate, Katie. But it’s not the question of who did it that’s most shocking — it’s why it happened. And the answer is disturbingly close: Jamie was radicalized online, silently, through content that fuels misogyny and toxic masculinity — while his parents remained completely unaware.
Across four intense episodes, you realize that the room is no longer a refuge, but a breeding ground for hatred — where your child is exposed to misogyny, bullying and incitement to violence. It comes from forums and videos you’ve never seen, from comments you can’t decipher and from emojis that seem completely innocent. It’s the story of a father who doesn’t understand where he went wrong. Of a mother who constantly asks herself, “am I a good mother?” Of a family trying to make sense of a world that no longer feels familiar. The series doesn’t offer answers — but it compels you to ask the questions you’ve never dared to ask. To turn toward a merciless, but necessary, mirror.
After its broadcast, some of the U.K.’s most prestigious media outlets — including The Guardian, The Times and the BBC — offered in-depth analyses of the series, calling it one of the most accurate portrayals of the crisis boys are facing today. On social media, many parents and teachers began sharing their own stories, showing that Jamie’s story is not just a fictional narrative, but a harsh reality knocking on our doors.
The room — a source of silent anger
This series reminded me of the cases unfolding right here, before our eyes. Jamie doesn’t live in Kosovo, but he could be that 19-year-old from Vushtrri, who was reported to have killed his friend, a peer. According to reports, the victim had invited the suspect to meet and talk things through, but the meeting ended in tragedy. Or the case of another 19-year-old, from Klina, who was arrested for killing two young men in March 2025.
What is making boys believe that only violence gives them worth?
We’ve begun to consume violence as a regular part of the news, but no one is asking: What is happening to our boys? What is making them believe that only violence gives them worth? Their calm, “locked in their room” appearance doesn’t look like that — because the room has become a window into a world we don’t fully understand. A virtual world where they are exposed to influences that reinforce narratives of violence and domination. It’s from this world that figures like Andrew Tate emerge — a former kickboxing champion, accused of rape, human trafficking and forming an organized crime group to exploit women.
Tate blends the image of a “self-made” millionaire with misogynistic propaganda, becoming a toxic idol for young boys who seek identity through violence and disdain for women. We might think of Tate as a distant phenomenon, confined to TikTok and YouTube screens — but the reality is far more immediate.
An article by Radio Free Europe (RFE/RL) reveals that Tate’s influence has also reached deep into Kosovo. When RFE/RL asked a class at Sami Frashëri high school in Prishtina how many students knew who Tate was, 21 students — about 60% of the class — raised their hands. According to the report, some boys view him as a model of masculine power, referring to him as “Father” or “Top G,” while girls see him very differently, describing him as a “primitive man.”
This divide illustrates the deep polarization Tate causes among young people, raising serious concerns about the role influencers with misogynistic messages play in shaping the identities and attitudes of the new generation.
Our society is still a patriarchal society, governed by rigid gender roles, where being a man means being dominant, strong, the breadwinner — the patriarch.
The algorithm doesn’t reward sensitivity, it rewards extremes. In this way, anger isn’t built through sudden outbursts, but through a silent, daily and ruthless conditioning. These tendencies become even more dangerous within our socio-cultural context. Our society is still a patriarchal society, governed by rigid gender roles, where being a man means being dominant, strong, the breadwinner — the patriarch. Feelings are not talked about. Suppressed emotions don’t disappear, they ferment. Eventually, they explode. In this patriarchal order, although women and girls have historically been, and continue to be, the primary victims, it doesn’t mean today’s boys and men are spared the consequences.
Patriarchy harms everyone, each in their own way. This chain of violence and emotional repression finds especially fertile ground in our context. The statistics in Kosovo speak clearly: since 2020, institutions and organizations have reported a rise in cases of violence and aggression among young people.
In and around schools, the police in Kosovo recorded 577 violent incidents in 2024 — up from 564 the previous year. Even within schools, where children are supposed to feel safe, violence persists.
But it doesn’t stop there. Between July 2023 and June 2024, the police in Kosovo recorded 2,856 cases of domestic violence. The victims are primarily women and children, those who often remain invisible in the statistics, yet silently endure the consequences.
On the streets and neighborhoods, the consequences are even more visible. In 2023 alone, 1,992 cases were registered in which the suspected perpetrators of criminal acts were minors.
Often invisible, but still victims — not only in schools, but also within their own homes. According to UNICEF, 70% of children in Kosovo experience some form of violence as a method of discipline, including psychological assault and/or physical punishment. 70%. These are not just numbers. This is my child. Yours. The neighbor’s. The teacher’s. And when children learn violence at home, no discipline or authority at school can fully undo its effects.
Are we raising a generation of boys who feel unnecessary and useless?
We are raising a generation of boys who feel unwanted and this isn’t just their crisis; it’s a crisis for all of society. Because boys who grow up feeling worthless will struggle to form healthy relationships — they won’t know how to become nurturing parents, they won’t know how to build meaningful friendships.
A report titled “Understanding Young Men and Masculinities in the Balkans,” published by CARE International Balkans and Promundo-US in 2014, analyzes how boys grow up and how masculinity is perceived and expressed in the region. The report found how young boys in the Balkans face a multidimensional crisis that leads to social isolation, mental health issues and risky behaviors.
Some of the key factors identified are unemployment and lack of opportunities, issues that remain prevalent today. As a result, young men are often unable to meet traditional expectations that are still deeply rooted in society — to be the “head of the family” and primary financial provider. According to the report, this directly contributes to feelings of shame, depression, antisocial behavior, substance abuse and in some cases, even suicidal thoughts.
And when you no longer see value in work, in yourself or in school — there’s no place left to belong. In the U.K., for example, the Annual Literacy Survey shows a sharp decline in reading for pleasure, especially among boys. Only 28.2% of boys reported reading for pleasure, compared to 40.5% of girls. In Kosovo, the 2022 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) revealed a similar trend, girls outperformed boys by 25 points.
But the problem goes beyond reading. The way boys are socialized, taught to hide their feelings and suppress their emotions, leads them into isolation.
In addition to the series “Adolescence,” a public report released in March 2025 by the Centre for Social Justice (CSJ) — a conservative organization in the U.K. focused on social policy research — also drew significant attention in the UK. The report, titled “Lost Boys,” sparked controversy not only because of its content, but also because it came from an institution with a history of influencing state policy. Immediately after its publication, the findings were widely covered by the media, igniting a public debate about boys who are going missing — literally, not metaphorically.
The report shows that boys in the U.K. are twice as likely as girls to drop out of school. The situation is not much different in Kosovo, where the gap between boys and girls in terms of the risk of dropping out of secondary education has been growing each year. In the 2018-2019 academic year, 78.7% of all students who dropped out were boys.
Even when they are neither victims nor aggressors, many remain lost — absorbed by the screens of their phones, following male figures who promote hatred and contempt.
In the U.K., there are also notable shifts in the labor market. In 2022, according to data summarized in the “Lost Boys” report, the gross salary of girls aged 16-24 working full-time was higher than that of boys from the same socio-economic group. This result reflects the progress made by girls and highlights the deepening crisis among boys. At the same time, the report notes that even sectors traditionally dominated by men, such as construction, agriculture and industry, are in decline. In other words: young boys are beginning to lose their economic identity.
But it’s not just about school or work. On top of everything else, the report highlights the absence of a meaningful father figure — first at home and then within the education system. This isn’t a call to romanticize the old patriarchal model, but a reminder that boys also need role models who teach sensitivity, not dominance. All of these factors can lead boys down dangerous paths: they are more vulnerable to violence, bullying and addiction. And even when they are neither victims nor aggressors, many remain lost — absorbed by the screens of their phones, following male figures who promote hatred and contempt.
When there is neither motivation to continue their education nor support to build a future here, some of them choose to leave. Not always as rebels, nor as adventurers — but often as invisible.
In Kosovo, data on higher education reveals a significant gender imbalance — to the disadvantage of boys. During the 2022-2023 academic year, out of 4,519 bachelor’s degree graduates, only 1,232 — or 27% — were male, while the vast majority, 3,287 — or about 73%, — were female. This points to a concerning lack of academic persistence and engagement among boys and young men. And when there is neither motivation to continue their education nor support to build a future here, some of them choose to leave.
Not always as rebels nor as adventurers — but often as invisible. According to a 2023 statistical analysis on the migration of Kosovars to Germany by the GAP Institute, over 177,000 men born in Kosovo migrated between 2010 and 2022, compared to 153,000 women. An 8% gender gap may seem small at first glance, but it becomes significant when we consider the average age of migration during this period is between 20 and 22 years old. Boys who have barely begun to live are already leaving.
Although men have traditionally held power and privilege in society, this should not blind us to the reality that many of today’s boys are growing up unprotected in a world that has changed radically, without being given the tools they need to navigate it. The rules of the game have changed, but the expectations placed on boys’ shoulders remain the same — like old maps pointing to roads that no longer exist.
If this trend continues — if boys grow up without a sense of worth, isolated and without the space to find their place in society — then tomorrow we will have neither good husbands, nor good parents nor a self-sustaining society. And the void will be filled, as it often is — with violence, directed at themselves and at others.
We see this crisis not only in reports and statistics, but every day — in schools, on the streets, in the news. We feel it when our children walk past us and don’t even see us. I still hear my son’s footsteps every morning. I still pray. But prayers are not enough. Love is not enough. Boys are disappearing before our eyes, while we remain trapped in the illusion that we still have time.
Author: Vlora Konushevci
Photo: Dina Hajrullahu/K2.0
This article was originally produced for and published by Kosovo2.0 It has been re-published here with permission.
Where Journalism Ends and Lynching Begins
April 23, 2025
Media exploitation of the death of Turkish model Güler Erdoğan
“Turkish Model Güler Erdoğan Killed in Traffic Accident – Family Denies Incident Speculations”
This is approximately what the headlines about Güler Erdoğan’s death in early April would have looked like if the media had stuck to professional reporting. Instead, we got unprofessional, sensationalist, and misinformative reporting that relied on secondary sources and superficial interpretations.
However, before we discuss reporting methods in this case, one fundamental question arises: Was reporting on the death of the Turkish model in the public’s interest in BiH at all?
Had the reporting been professional: maybe. Had the accident been used as an opportunity to talk about the dangers of drunk driving, there would be an educational purpose and relevance.
But in their reporting, some media outlets stated that Erdoğan allegedly had mental health problems and in the past, according to these allegations, she attempted suicide. The exact purpose of this randomly inserted claim is unclear – it is not linked to a specific cause of death, supported by statements made by family or experts, or put into context. Instead of raising awareness about mental health, the information formulated in this way serves solely as a tool to stigmatise mental health difficulties and facilitate gossip journalism.
To serve the public interest, the story could have questioned police methods of dealing with people who are under the influence of alcohol, including their abilities and training on de-escalation, and police protocols during pursuits. There are numerous other angles that would have justified the publication of this story with real public interest. However, they simply did not exist in the reporting of this case.
How the tragedy in Turkey became “Balkan” news
The media wrote about this death without checking sources or any real reporting. We are used to this from the BiH media, especially when it comes to international topics. News is reported (often incorrectly translated) without a local angle or context and without any statements that journalists would have obtained on their own; without thought, reflection or research. Instead, Facebook and Instagram are becoming inviolable and confidential sources of information.
Paradoxically, even these “sources” were ignored in this case. Had anyone from the media even looked at Güler Erdoğan’s Instagram profile, they would have seen that her title was Miss Freedom of Balkan 2022 in the description, not “Miss Balkans” as many have reported. The CNN Türk report, which is considered a relevant source, reported her title as Miss Balkans Kosovo, which implies a local competition held in Kosovo. So, here we are already entering the zone of media-produced confusion – it is no longer clear which titles the model actually held.
This pseudo-regional identification served as justification for reporting on the story in BiH and the region so that it would be perceived by readers as “our tragedy,” even though the connection is weak and symbolic. This effectively assigns Erdoğan an identity that she clearly did not have, creating a fictitious emotional connection, and in fact, justifies publishing news that has no clear local relevance.
On April 4, a message from the family was published on the same Instagram profile, in which they appeal to the public not to believe all media allegations, stressing that it is a tragic accident that they witnessed. Another problem of the media in BiH is that follow-up simply does not exist – except when it is felt that further sensationalist fodder can be had. Consequently, the media didn’t even look at whether the investigation progressed or whether anything was being revealed. They didn’t even glance at the model’s Instagram account so that they could convey the family’s reaction. No accountability for the words spoken; no accountability for the story to follow. It seems that the journalists in our environment do not understand that they have a terrible, difficult responsibility and that with their words they can shape the lives and deaths of people – not only those they write about but also those who read the news and shape their worldview according to them. Instead of understanding this responsibility and carefully weighing the words that go public, we have hyperproduction and an inevitable battle for clicks in a market where too many similar portals without focus or angle compete for the attention of users accustomed to a continuous flow of content.
A woman, alcohol and Ramadan: A combination that guarantees clicks
The main thread of the event is also lost in different versions of the story: in some, Erdoğan fled from the police by car, in others, she left the vehicle and fled on foot, in some it is stated that she fell from the bridge and was then hit by a car, some reported it happened while she was crossing the street, while some media claim that her vehicle fell from an overpass. The information is contradictory, incomplete and unverified.
And what do we know for certain? We know she was a model. She was a woman. That, as most media outlets still report in their headlines, she was drinking alcohol – and during Ramadan! (Although, according to Turkish media, the accident occurred during Eid al-Fitr). The combination – a young woman, alcohol, a model, a religious holiday – guarantees the attention of a conservative and misogynistic audience. And it is precisely this sort of attention that the media is targeting.
Photographs of Güler Erdoğan, smiling slightly with a tiara, are paired with headlines emphasising that she was running from the police and/or drunk.
Poginula bivša Miss Balkana, udarilo je auto dok je bjezala od policije | Klix (Former Miss Balkans Killed, Hit by Car While Fleeing From the Police)
Poginula je Guler Erdogan: Miss Balkana je stradala pokušavajući pobjeći policiji | DEPO Portal (Güler Erdoğan Dead: Miss Balkans Killed Trying to Outrun the Police)
Poginula Miss Balkana: Pokušala je pobjeći policajcima koji su zaustavili njen auto… | Oslobođenje (Miss Balkans Killed: Tried to Escape Policemen Who Pulled Her Car Over)
Bivša Miss Balkana poginula nakon što je pijana bježala od policije, tijelo joj je pronađeno kraj ceste | Jutarnji (Former Miss Balkans Killed After Running Away from Police While Drunk – Body Found by the Side of the Road)
Tužan kraj: Poginula bivša Miss Balkana, pijana bježala od policije | Radiosarajevo.ba (A Sad End_ Former Miss Balkans Killed, Ran from Police Drunk)
Prelijepa misica sa Kosova zavila region u crno: Ljepotica vodila zdrav život, napila se pa poginula | Info.ks.net (Kosovan Beauty Queen Bereaves Region: The Beauty Led a Healthy Life, Got Drunk and Died)
Headlines such as these immediately set the tone of the reporting: sensationalist, cold, devoid of empathy and aimed at shocking the audience. There is no attempt to present Güler Erdoğan as a person: no statements from family, friends or colleagues, nor any context that could give depth to this tragedy.
Stories involving young, beautiful, female public figures, especially models, beauty queens or influencers, always attract disproportionate attention, especially if they can be linked to scandal, death or perceived moral decay. The audience’s reactions are expected: misogynistic comments, victim-blaming, gossip and emotional outbursts, all of which result in high visibility and numerous interactions. The media is counting on it. Without thinking about ethics, without fact-checking or respect for the deceased, her family or the audience. Certainly without any concern for what should be their starting point: public accountability.
Laughing over death: Comments that reveal the true face of the public
Habitually, articles about the accident were often placed in the Showbiz, Jet Set or Entertainment sections, because nothing is more entertaining than the death of a woman, especially a conventionally attractive one with a relatively successful career.
The comments under the articles further reinforce this image. The comment sections are flooded with condemnation – primarily because of her alcohol consumption, and then because of her profession. Some comments are malicious with a tone of satisfaction at someone else’s death, full of tasteless “jokes”, questioning her intelligence, and even claims that her “bad judgment” was a side-effect of being vaccinated. The numerous laugh reactions on the news of Güler Erdoğan’s death indicate a worrying loss of collective empathy and raise questions about the mental health of a society that laughs at tragedy. Similar reactions are regularly seen for news of femicide, which makes us wonder: how much malice, frustration and unconscious hatred must exist in someone’s everyday life for that person to laugh at the death and misfortune of another person, especially when that person has done nothing other than be a woman?
Honestly, these kinds of comments and reactions give me the chills. It gives me anxiety and mistrust that we share our streets, queues at the store, and rides on the tram with such people, that we live surrounded by such attitudes and cruelty every day. It makes me more cautious in contact with unknown men (and women) and reminds me how important it is for the media not to participate in the normalisation of such narratives, but actively deconstruct them. What we have instead is a focus on profit.
Clicks are not the only model: Ethics can be sustainable
In the BiH market, the upside of this tactic remains questionable, except for the already established portals whose numbers remain unattainable for others. In a media space where there are only a few specialised portals and a few recognisable names, where authorship and reflection are only sporadic, perhaps an alternative could offer a better solution. There is room for a media outlet that would cover such stories professionally and in an interesting way, taking into account ethical principles, human dignity and public interest.
There is an audience for that. That would pay for it. Global research shows it: people are willing to pay for quality, thoughtful, accurate, relevant and timely content. As I read sensationalist articles exploiting yet another young woman’s death, the thought comes back to me:
Maybe there is no alternative yet. But there is definitely a need, as well as an audience ready to recognise it when it comes.
Author: Maida Salkanović
Translation: Tijana Dmitrović
This article was originally produced for and published by Mediacentar Sarajevo It has been re-published here with permission.
Monthly Highlights March: sexism and misogyny, attacks on journalists, the spread of disinformation, bias and death threats
April 17, 2025
During March, the RDN monitoring team detected a range of hateful narratives and discourse fuelled by sexism and misogyny alongside the spread of disinformation, bias and death threats coupled with attacks on journalists.
Sexism and misogyny in Albania and Montenegro
In Albania, during a controversial interview with Revista Bordo, author Albi Lushi claimed that women rejecting men is not about personal choice but rather linked to alcohol consumption and psychological manipulation. In the interview, Lushi made insinuations that rather than the rejection of men by a woman being a personal choice, it was instead due to intoxication. Lushi made statements suggesting that intoxicated women are easier to exploit and that men should master manipulation to “win over” women, reinforcing toxic beliefs about power and control in relationships. He went on to claim that “there are no difficult women, only women who don’t drink alcohol” in other words implying that intoxicated women are easier to exploit. Furthermore, he noted that “there are no difficult women, only men who are incapable of manipulating them” as though to portray manipulation as a skill men should master to make women fall for them. Lushi made the conclusion that men can either be rich or skilled at psychological manipulation thereby reinforcing the toxic belief that relationships are about power and control, and not mutual respect and equality.
Lushi’s comments and remarks, made during the interview, serve to dismiss women’s autonomy, trivialise consent, and normalise coercion. These comments, rooted in misogyny and sexism serve to degrade women to objects of manipulations rather than individuals with their own autonomy and power to make decisions for themselves. Comments like these which suggest that alcohol more ‘accessible’ implies coercion and removes consent which can fall down the dangerous path of normalising sexual violence and risks even justifying such acts. Promoting manipulation as a legitimate method for men to control women in relationships is a reflection of the toxic masculine culture which is maintained in society and goes unchallenged.
Following the interview, backlash on social media was both swift and intense, with users condemning his misogynistic and predatory views. Many criticised the journalist for providing him with a platform, while others emphasised the role of the media in confronting toxic masculinity and fostering ethical discussions on gender dynamics. Nonetheless, the core issue remains: the journalist should not have allowed such misogynistic and harmful rhetoric to be aired. Instead, he should have actively challenged these toxic beliefs and debunked the narratives in real time.
In Montenegro Independent MP Jevrosima Pejović announced on March 8 that she had submitted an initiative to introduce menstrual leave. The initiative aimed to help women diagnosed with ‘secondary dysmenorrhea,’ such as endometriosis, polyps, fibroids, cervical stenosis, etc. These women would be entitled to two days of paid leave per month due to extremely painful cycles.
On social media, however, the initiative triggered a wave of alarmingly negative and misogynistic comments—from both men and women. The comments regarding the proposed law were based as much on misinformation as on a widespread misogynistic culture. Many commenters defended traditional gender roles, suggesting that women should simply endure hardship. Others misrepresented the proposed law, falsely claiming it was an unjust attempt to give women seven days off work. In reality, the law applies only to individuals with serious medical diagnoses and grants up to two days of leave to help them manage their health. Furthermore, some argued that the initiative does not even exist in the European Union, while in reality, Spain adopted the same legal measure about two years ago. Based on these assumptions, the comments ranged from minimising women’s pain to accusing them of causing their health problems through the way they dress.
Sexism and misogyny have no place in any space—online or offline. Social media platforms must take responsibility and actively address instances of hate and gender-based discrimination on their platform.
Attacks on journalists in Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina
In Kosovo, Sami Kurteshi, a member of the Central Election Commission from the Vetëvendosje party and former Ombudsperson, spent days at the Vote Counting Center, frequently suggesting whether certain ballots should be considered valid or not. Journalists have repeatedly recorded his inappropriate behavior towards election commissioners and observers.
During a recount of ballots previously deemed invalid, Kurteshi verbally attacked a journalist from Gazeta Nacionale after noticing she was closely following his actions at the centre, which irritated him. When the journalist asked if he considered himself to be exerting continuous pressure, Kurteshi responded, “You are the criminal media of paid killers.” He later repeated this claim and even referred to the media as “dog media.”
The “Self-Determination” (Vetëvendosje) party began attacking the media even before the February 9 parliamentary elections, accusing critical outlets of being funded by oligarchs and serving private, not public, interests. This continued after the elections, with the party and its leader, Albin Kurti, refusing to engage with major media during the campaign and aiming to bring the press under their control to avoid criticism.
Kurteshi’s hate speech incident was condemned by the Kosovo Journalists’ Association and the Kosovo Women Journalists’ Network, along with many media professionals and civil society members. Kurteshi later responded on his Facebook page, once again using hateful language against these organizations.
The Safe Journalists organisation reacted to his statements, urging relevant institutions to take measures to protect journalists and uphold media freedom. In his posts, Kurteshi labelled the Kosovo Journalists’ Association and the Kosovo Women Journalists’ Network as an “alliance of criminal groups.” Safe Journalists called on the state prosecutor to investigate Kurteshi’s remarks and urged the ruling party and Prime Minister Albin Kurti to distance themselves from his dangerous rhetoric and publicly condemn it.
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, following a press conference where the President of the Republika Srpska entity, Milorad Dodik, the Prime Minister of RS, Radovan Višković, and the President of the RS National Assembly, Nenad Stevandić, spoke — and after the Prosecutor’s Office of BiH issued a warrant for their questioning earlier that morning — journalists proceeded to ask questions. Dodik called the CIN reporter’s question “politically motivated” and lashed out at her. He told the Klix reporter that he was asking stupid questions. He did not even allow an Oslobodjenje correspondent to ask a question and banned him from entering the RS Presidential Palace.
Dodik has been attacking the media and journalists for years, and recently they have become even more frequent. Since February, he has verbally attacked several journalists and media outlets. The Association of BH Journalists often responds to his attacks against journalists, stating that he is “drawing targets on their foreheads.”
In February, a reporter from the Center for Investigative Reporting (CIN.ba), Renata Radić-Dragić, and cameraman Dženat Dreković were attacked while filming a news story in Brčko. They were investigating politician and businessman Zoran Kokanović, who owns various residential, commercial, and betting properties in the area. During the assignment, members of the Bogičević family—who claimed ownership of the building housing the betting shop being filmed—assaulted the journalists, despite their clear introduction and explanation that they were filming from a public space. Dreković sustained minor physical injuries, while Radić-Dragić was referred for medical testing due to the stress she experienced. CIN later reported that members of the Bogičević family were detained following the incident.
Journalists must be protected under the law and guaranteed the freedom to report without fear of harassment, threats, or personal attacks. A free and independent press is essential in any democracy.
Death threats in North Macedonia
Following the tragic bus accident near Kočani that claimed 59 lives, the “Who’s Next?” (Кој е следен?) initiative in North Macedonia sparked protests in response to persistent systemic failures. Demonstrators called for accountability from the government and institutions responsible for ensuring public safety.
In response, journalist Milenko Nedelkovski has sent serious insults and disqualifications to several participants in the protests taking place across the country. In one post, he even went as far as to call for the death of the relatives of the demonstrators who protested in Skopje. In his post he wrote: “May God grant that the deaths of the loved ones of today’s protesters may be abused by others and protest. So that they can see what it’s like,” Nedelkovski wrote at the end of the post, which immediately caused violent reactions on social media.
Milenko Nedelkovski’s framing of the “Who’s Next?” protests as destabilising the country is a common tactic used by nationalist and pro-government figures in North Macedonia to discredit citizen-led movements demanding accountability. His rhetoric aligns with previous narratives in the country where calls for justice are dismissed as foreign-influenced, opposition-driven, or attempts to create chaos rather than legitimate democratic action. Calling for the death of anyone should never be acceptable. Furthermore, social media platforms should take action to remove such content and not allow it to be circulated and spread online.
Disinformation and bias spread in Serbia
Deblokade is a YouTube channel created in March 2025, described as “the official channel of the Center for Social Stability, dedicated to the production of documentary films that analyse political, social and historical topics.”
Two documentary style videos on this YouTube channel were aired on TV Prva, a channel with the licence for national coverage. Several other shorter videos were also aired on TV Prva throughout this month.
The documentary “Vreme terora” (Time of Terror), presented a heavily biased portrayal of the student protests in Serbia, systematically vilifying the protesters, labelling them as “terrorists,” “extremists,” and “political agitators.” It used manipulated footage, misleading historical comparisons, and interviews exclusively government representatives and their supporters to frame the protests as a dangerous and foreign-backed threat to national stability.
The documentary, furthermore, used aggressive rhetoric to delegitimise student activism, falsely depicting participants as part of a well-organised extremist movement rather than a broad, organic response to corruption and political repression.
Protesters are not only targeted as individuals, with their names and faces shown, but are also accused of orchestrating a so-called “state coup”. The film drew direct parallels between the Serbian protests and historical uprisings like the Ukrainian Maidan and the French Revolution. It invoked the fear of violent upheaval as a means to discredit the movement and intimidates protest participants by comparing their fate to that of Maximilien Robespierre, who was executed by guillotine without trial.
Another documentary, “Zlo doba” (Time of Evil) was aired on TV Prva as well, targeting media outlets that have been reporting on student blockades and protests for months, providing space for the voices of those who are critical of the ruling party. The title is a reference to a series of documentaries by TV N1 called “Junaci doba zlog” (Heroes of the time of evil) where each episode gives a profile of people connected to the ruling party focusing on their involvement in unethical and criminal activities.
In a democratic society, everyone should have the freedom to protest and express disagreement with the system without fear of intimidation or reprisal. This right is fundamental, especially for students and young people who play a vital role in shaping the future. At the same time, TV programs with licenses for national coverage have a responsibility to uphold journalistic standards. They should not be platforms for propaganda, bias, or disinformation—especially when such content puts students, citizens and journalists at risk or vilifies them for exercising their democratic rights.