During January, the RDN monitoring team identified a range of hateful narratives and discourse driven by sensationalistic reporting, sexism and misogyny, nationalism and ethnic hatred.

Sensationalistic and unprofessional reporting in Albania and Bosnia and Herzegovina

Albanian media reported extensively on a serious case of sexual abuse involving a 12-year-old girl who was found to be approximately 22 weeks pregnant following a medical examination. According to police and judicial authorities, the abuse allegedly occurred in August 2024 and was committed by a neighbour, Rushan Selko, aged between 67 and 70. Following this, the Korçë Court ordered that the accused be taken into custody.

The case received heightened visibility after an exclusive interview aired on “Shqipëria Live” on Top Channel, in which the victim’s grandfather publicly described the abuse, the child’s psychological trauma, and the family’s demand for justice.

The live broadcast of the grandfather’s testimony, delivered while he was visibly distressed, further exposed sensitive and intimate details of the case, raising concerns about informed consent and editorial responsibility when dealing with families of child victims. By centeringthe narrative on the grandfather’s emotional suffering, media coverage personalised what is fundamentally a matter of institutional responsibility. Justice was framed as a desperate personal appeal rather than a legal obligation of the state and its child protection mechanisms.

The overall coverage of the incident was dominated by sensational headlines such as “He tied her up and covered her mouth” and “Either the State or me”, privileging shock value and emotional impact over a cautious, child-centred journalistic approach. Although the minor’s identity was formally protected, the reporting included detailed descriptions of the violence and emotionally charged testimonies from family members.

The use of graphic descriptions of physical restraint and sexual violence risks re-traumatising the child and contributes to secondary victimisation. Such details offer limited public-interest value and instead reinforce a narrative of shock and spectacle. Furthermore, by centring the narrative on the grandfather’s emotional suffering, media coverage personalised what is fundamentally a matter of institutional responsibility. Justice was framed as a desperate personal appeal rather than a legal obligation of the state and its child protection mechanisms.

The reporting overall offered limited context about systemic failures, prevention, or the availability of psychological and social support for the child. Instead, attention remained fixed on shock, emotion, and confrontation, leaving broader child protection issues largely unaddressed.

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, information began circulating on social media that an 18-year-old woman from Bugojno was no longer in contact with her family after marrying a young man she had met through social media. Media outlets in Bosnia and Herzegovina rushed to publish these claims, sensationalising the case. They relayed statements by the girl’s mother, who claimed that she had not been in contact with her daughter for four months, allegedly after the husband’s family confiscated her mobile phone. The mother also claimed that her daughter was in danger and that she had been denied any access to her.

In the meantime, the 18-year-old woman herself addressed the public on Facebook, stating, among other things, that she felt she was treated well by the family she married into and that she did not wish to see her mother or her family.

In this case, the media exploited a situation involving early marriage and family relationships of a young woman from Bugojno to generate clicks, placing emphasis on explicit and emotionally charged details rather than providing a broader social context. 

With sensationalist headlines such as “They found her frozen, naked and barefoot,” media outlets showed a clear lack of balanced reporting, largely reproducing the mother’s statements without information from official institutions or expert commentary, for example on the possibility of domestic violence.

Such sensationalist headlines, describing explicit details and relying on one-sided statements without additional context, should not be used under any circumstances given the seriousness of the situation, which may involve domestic violence, early marriage, or the protection of potential victims, especially when the facts and details of the matter are unclear.

The media should exercise greater caution and refrained from amplifying social media statements without also seeking comments from relevant institutions and experts on the issue. According to journalistic ethics codes, reporting on sensitive family matters involving young individuals requires heightened caution, verification, and avoidance of sensationalist framing, all of which were largely absent in this case.

Sexist and misogynistic broadcasting in Serbia

President Vučić and Minister of Finance Siniša Mali were guests at the popular AmiG showon TV Pink, alongside pop culture figures. Towards the end of the show, the host played a game with Mali, in which he had to choose the more attractive woman between two. This game had multiple rounds, and Mali kept choosing who he found to be the most beautiful.

This is a clear case of misogyny, in which women are reduced to their appearance and their worth is based on how attractive they are perceived to be. This act of comparing women on national television is humiliating and insulting and furthermore, normalises and encourages (especially since it came from government officials) sexist behaviour. This part of the show where guests are asked to judge women based on their looks, has been a part of each episodefor years and is extremely problematic.

Harmful media amplification in Kosovo

Numerous posts on the Facebook profile of Arianit Sllamniku appeared to claim that he managed to cure his patients, specifically children from autism in just a few weeks or months using his ‘protocol’. This so-called protocol was a combination of supplements and minerals,including volcanic stone and anti-parasitic medications used for animals. There was also a post including an anonymous statement by a mother calling for parents not to trust Sllamniku,having had consultations with Sllamniku at his office in Gjilan/Gnjilane and said that this protocol had been recommended for her child. 

Following this, journalists from the programme Kiks Kosova on TV Klan Kosova attempted to interview Sllamniku. However, since his consultation office was locked, he refused to accept even a phone conversation with the journalist, instead hanging up the phone. However, shortly afterwards, he recorded a message which he published on his Facebook page, statingthat anyone who wished could sue him.

Participants in the programme Kiks Kosova called for a response from the Ministry of Health and even for the arrest of Sllamniku, who charged between 500 and 4,000 euros for his “services.” 

Sllamniku is well known to the public in Kosovo. He was a regular participant on a TV Dukagjini programme as a ‘conspiracy theorist,’ where he comments on political and geostrategic decisions of domestic, regional, and global leaders. 

Following the broadcast about his illegal activities, the Kosovo Police closed his office and arrested him, ordering him to 30 days of pre-trial detention. He was charged with “Unlawful practice of medical or pharmaceutical activity” and “Unlawful medical experimentation and testing of medicines.” Following his arrest, Lajmi.net published an interview with Sllamnikuwhich he also published on his own Facebook page where he presented his ‘protocol’ in detail. The media are responsible to the public for who they give a platform to. People such as Sllamniku, who presents himself as a medical professional, but has used and harmed people, even making money on them, should not be given space in the media.

Nationalist narratives circulated online in Montenegro

A video circulated online showing the principal of the Secondary Electrical and Economic School in Bijelo Polje, Velibor Karličić, singing Chetnik songs, which are widely associated with a nationalist ideology and historical violence through WW2 crimes in the region. The video prompted Amer Smailović, head of the parliamentary club of the Bosniak Party, to call for an urgent response from the Minister of Education, Science and Innovation, arguing that such behaviour by a school director raises serious concerns for society and the education system. Smailović emphasised that leaders in educational institutions set an example for young people, and he questioned whether someone publicly singing such songs should lead a school.

The incident took place in Bijelo Polje, a multiethnic town in northern Montenegro with a significant Bosniak and Muslim population, where issues related to nationalism and historical memory are particularly sensitive. Chetnik songs are widely associated in the region with Chetnik ideology, a Serbian nationalist movement linked to collaborationist forces during the Second World War and to crimes against non-Serb civilians, especially Bosniaks and Croats.

A principal of a secondary school who holds an important position and role, should not be using his platform to sing songs associated with nationalist ideology and are associated with groups who used violence against other ethnicities. Montenegro is a multi-ethnic society in which Serbs and Montenegrins live together alongside other ethnic communities. Singing nationalist songs, particularly those associated with or explicitly calling for violence against other groups, is unacceptable. Moreover, by having incidents like these filmed and circulated online, they risk further amplifying nationalist ideologies and contributing to the spread of hate speech.

Ethnic hatred in North Macedonia

When former Minister of Justice Krenar Loga publicly addressed systemic discriminationwithin North Macedonia, the online reaction included hate speech and ethnically derogatory comments, highlighting the persistence of polarised and exclusionary discourse.

In North Macedonia, interethnic tensions, particularly between ethnic Macedonians and Albanians, remains a sensitive aspect of public discourse. Political polarisation often exploits these divisions, with certain actors using social media to amplify grievances or propagate stereotypes. In this context, public discussions about governance, systemic injustices, or state accountability can quickly become flashpoints for hate speech and ethnic denigration.

When a public figure, such as former Minister of Justice Krenar Loga, posts about systemic discrimination or governance failures, the responses are not limited to policy debate. Instead, online comment sections frequently include ethnically charged insults, reflecting a broader climate of polarisation and distrust. 

Similarly in another incident, Loga posted on social media to commend Bishop Partenij for conducting a historic Orthodox liturgy and water blessing in the Albanian language. The event, supported by the Ambassador of Albania in North Macedonia, Denion Meidani, marked the first time such a religious ceremony was performed in Albanian in North Macedonia. Loga highlighted the symbolic significance of the act, emphasising tolerance, inclusivity, and respect for language and identity as essential for social cohesion and coexistence. The news was met with hate speech in the comments toward the bishop.

Rather than providing grounds for a healthy acknowledgement of the importance of acts like these which serve to promote inclusivity and diversity, Loga’s post was once again used as a stepping stone to hate speech and ethnic tensions. This highlights the important role that both individuals and the media can play in promoting constructive responses and support for such cases, without contributing to heightened tensions or ethnic hatred in a multi-ethnic society.

During December, the RDN monitoring team identified a range of hateful narratives and discourse driven by anti-LGBTQI+ discourse, sexism alongside the glorification of war criminals, the publication of unverified information and the normalisation of gender-basedviolence.

Anti-LGBTQI+ discourse in Albania

In two separate television appearances in December, lawyer Zace Islami made a series of extreme anti-LGBTQ+ statements on national broadcasters Vizioni Plus and Report TV. Across both interviews, Islami used violent, dehumanising language, openly calling for the eradication of LGBTQ+ people and portraying them as a threat to Albanian society, the family, and national values. Despite the severity of the rhetoric, moderators did not interrupt the interviews or meaningfully challenge the incitement.

On 3 December, during a discussion on same-sex marriage on Living Day (Vizioni Plus), Islami repeatedly expressed violent intent toward LGBTQI+ people, stating that he wanted them “wiped out.” He described LGBTQI+ people as “against humanity,” “against human nature,” and “remnants of society that must be eradicated.” While claiming they could “do what they want in bed,” he insisted they should not be visible in public life, particularly in schools, again calling for their elimination. Although the moderator made brief attempts to maintain order, Islami repeated these statements multiple times without consequence.

On 10 December, appearing on Studio Live (Report TV) to discuss the newly approved Gender Equality Law, Islami escalated his rhetoric further. He stated that LGBTQ+ people had “no value,” said he did not consider them human, and referred to them as “cattle.” He framed LGBTQI+ people as an “imported minority” and described the Gender Equality Law as a “national disgrace” that “destroys the Albanian family.” As with the earlier appearance, the broadcaster did not cut the interview or directly challenge the hate speech.

Clips from the appearances circulated widely online. A video posted by Vizioni Plus on Instagram alone received over 91,000 likes, 10,000 comments, and more than 28,000 shares, and excerpts were republished by multiple online portals, fuelling widespread public debate.

Sexism amongst politicians in Kosovo

Actress Adriana Matoshi, a former MP from the Vetëvendosje party and a candidate in the snap parliamentary elections to be held on 28 December, has repeatedly criticised Sami Lushtaku, the current mayor of Skënderaj. She accused him of having bought land at symbolic prices and selling them at much higher prices, suggesting that he had “enriched himself” in this way.

Following the swearing-in ceremony for his new term as mayor of Skënderaj, and after journalists repeatedly pressed him to comment on Matoshi’s accusations, Lushtaku responded by saying that her level was as if she had “come out of a brothel.” In a second statement on the same issue, he also said that Kurti should “tie up the bi****s.”

These statements by Lushtaku prompted reactions from representatives of the Vetëvendosje party and its coalition partners, the Ombudsperson, the Kosovo Women’s Network, the Association of Women Journalists, as well as parts of civil society, women’s organisations, and public figures. On one media outlet’s social media platforms, some commenters criticised Lushtaku, while a significant number supported the hate speech directed at Adriana Matoshi.

However, it is important to remember that hate speech and sexism are never justified, neither in politics nor in any other sphere.

Normalisation of gender-based violence through humour in Serbia

Stefan Trajković Trajko (@trajkomusic) is a content creator who creates short clips for TikTok and Instagram, often skits featuring commercials for small local businesses in Serbia. These skits are often based on sexist stereotypes and patriarchal gender roles, while women are usually the butt of the joke. Even though a lot of his videos are harmful, those especially concerning were skits making jokes about gender-based violence. One of the skits starts with Trajko saying, “Not to brag, but I’m 31 and have the body of a 20-year-old girl” after which he opens the trunk of his car, revealing a tied-up girl.

Feminist organisation Osnažene reacted to this by calling on people to report the content and his account. They also listed the accounts of many businesses that worked with Trajko in the past stating, “Content that normalises violence against women, sexual abuse and their trivialisation is not a “joke” or a “controversy”. It’s harmful content with real consequences. And when such content is financed, the responsibility extends to those who pay for it. Report this content and account. Call out the brands, don’t fund the violence.”

Their reaction gained significant traction, and people started getting involved by reporting his account and tagging the businesses. Soon, Osnažene and other feminists who supported them started getting some unusual activity on their Instagram accounts. At first, Trajko communicated the whole situation as an attack on him, saying it severly affected his mental health. Later, he made a short video apologising and removed the few skits making jokes with GBV from his profile. However, all other harmful sexist and misogynist content remained visible, and since then, he made new skits where gender stereotypes and gender roles are the main plot.

As this case attracted public attention, TV Una invited Osnažene to talk about it, however insisted that they appear in a programme with Trajko. In another post, they explained why they will not appear together with Trajko, saying he should not be given media space. After many people reacted to this, calling out Una TV for unprofessional journalism in the comments. The newsroom heard the public criticism and decided not to give him space in their programme.

The glorification of war criminals in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro

In the year marking 30 years since the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement, which formally ended the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, graffiti appeared during the night of 15 December on the walls of the Embassy of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Podgorica. The messages glorified genocide and celebrated convicted war criminal Ratko Mladić. The message read “General, thank you for Srebrenica”. 

Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Ambassador to Montenegro Branimir Jukić told Radio Free Europe that the graffiti “can be qualified as hate speech, because it reads ‘General, thank you for Srebrenica’ and ‘Coffee, sweet Mladić Ratko’, and the Embassy’s signboard was scrawled with four Ss”.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Montenegro also strongly condemned the vandalism of the graffiti, which glorifies genocide and celebrates convicted war criminal Ratko Mladić.

“This heinous and unacceptable act represents a direct attack not only on the diplomatic mission of a friendly country, but also on the fundamental values of civilization, the culture of remembrance and the dignity of the victims of the most serious crimes on European soil after World War II,” the ministry said in a statement.

Although the case occurred in a neighbouring country, the media in BiH reported on the case as it concerned BiH, with most of the media outlets in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina reporting professionally, adding judicial facts and context. However, the media in Republika Srpska did not address the case.

Similarly, in Montenegro, the media largely reported on the case in a correct and factual manner without sensationalism and incitement, clearly identifying the graffiti as vandalism and hate speech. Kenana Strujić Harbić, a Member of Parliament from the Bosniak Party in the Parliament of Montenegro, issued a statement regarding the incident. She assessed that the act does not represent an isolated case of vandalism, but rather a deliberate and staged provocation aimed at raising national tensions at a time when Montenegro is approaching the process of accession to the European Union. She also emphasised that the graffiti would be removed and that such provocations cannot damage relations between Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Her statement was reported by the portal Borba in an article titled “Strujić Harbić knows who wrote the graffiti on the BiH Embassy: It is indisputable that they are acting on the orders of those who tell us to ‘jump first and say hop’.”

The comment section under the published article contained a significant number of insulting, aggressive, and inflammatory comments. Analysis of these comments shows that they largely lack reasoned debate and include personal insults, dehumanisation, ethnic generalisations, conspiracy theories, and elements of misogyny, shifting the discussion away from the incident itself and into the realm of hate speech.

This incident can be interpretated as part of the ongoing genocide denial and glorification of convicted war criminals, both in BiH and countries of the region. Beyond vandalism, this act represents an attack on collective memory, the dignity of victims and survivors, and post-war reconciliation efforts. Graffiti that glorifies genocide serves to normalise violence, retraumatise survivors, and perpetuate ethnic hatred across borders.

What appears in the media spills onto the streets whilst likewise, what is reported on in the media is often reflected in the streets creating a self-reinforcing cycle that normalises intolerance and deepens existing divisions. The media must be extremely careful and attentive to not help further spread ethnic hatred in a post-war society marked by fragility and unresolved tensions. 

The Consequences of Publishing Unverified Information in North Macedonia

British media outlets, citing The Times, reported that the United Kingdom was exploring agreements with North Macedonia and Kosovo to establish “return centres” for asylum seekers whose applications have been rejected, offering financial compensation and other incentives. Although the Macedonian government and the ruling party officially denied any negotiations or agreements, the reports triggered public panic and widespread confusion, amplified by local media and social networks. The official institutions stayed silent on the matter resulting in the public having no verified information on the case.

However, due to this vacuum created, the claims fuelled disinformation and xenophobic narratives about migrants, despite the fact that no formal policy or deal had been implemented. The media when reporting on the topic of migration often fails to make the distinction between various categories of migration including migrants such as economic migrants, refugees and asylum seekers. The choice of wording is extremely important when reporting on sensitive topics. By referring to refugees as migrants, media outlets and political parties often downplay the trauma of forced displacement and loss and violence that refugees and asylum seekers often experience. Rather than focusing on the human aspect of the matter, the media instead created a space for the spread of disinformation and fear mongering which results in online hate speech and xenophobia. 

This case rightfully points out the consequences of unverified information and underscores the critical role of timely, transparent, and credible information being provided by state institutions. It also highlights the responsibility of the media and public to use precise terminology when reporting on migrants and foreign affairs as well as the need to foster greater empathy and public discourse.

During November, the RDN monitoring team identified a range of hateful narratives and discourse driven by hateful and harmful political speech, hate speech against journalists and sensationalistic reporting.

Hateful and harmful speech in Albanian parliament

During the parliamentary session debating the newly adopted Gender Equality Law, opposition leader Sali Berisha made a series of homophobic and derogatory remarks directed at Silvio Gonzato, the European Union Ambassador to Albania. Berisha told Gonzato that “despite respecting everyone’s sexual orientation, your attempts to impose standards of multiple gender identities, beyond the binary, are unacceptable. Even in your status, you are binary, you have had a wife, children, and made your own personal choices. Which EU directive speaks of multiple gender identities? Berisha continued to accuse Gonzato of ‘ordering’ the approval of the Gender Equality Law and calling it “a Sorosian project that destroys the family.” He, furthermore, claimed that the EU Ambassador was pushing “a post-Marxist agenda” that “denies parents the right to educate their children.”

These statements were broadcast live, widely shared online, and triggered immediate condemnation both domestically and internationally. Taulant Balla, head of the Socialist parliamentary group, characterised the incident as “a serious diplomatic offense” and filed a motion to suspend Berisha from Parliament for 30 days. Minister Toni Gogu called the remarks “deeply shameful and discriminatory,” adding that stigmatising ambassador for their personal identities “has no place in a European democracy.” He urged the Parliament to publicly denounce the statements.

Likewise, the LGBTI Anti-Discrimination Alliance condemned the incident in a public statement claiming that “When hate becomes normalised in political and public discourse, democracy shrinks. These words are not just personal insults against a diplomat, but an attack on European values of dignity, equality, and human respect.” They further described Berisha’s and commentator Lindita Pano’s remarks (made in a podcast interview) as: “Examples of stigmatisation and the instrumentalisation of homophobia to sow fear and division in society.” 

Meanwhile, in his defence, Berisha claimed that his comments were “misinterpreted” and that he had merely asked which EU directive supported “multiple gender identities.” He denied any intent to offend, justifying himself by noting that “The word ‘binary’ is not an insult. I only asked for clarification. My remarks were not about personal life but about legislative principles.”

In another case, during a live debate on A2 CNN’s Off the Record, Democratic Party MP Xhelal Mziu directed a discriminatory insult toward Socialist Party advisor Alfred Muharremi, saying: “Je mësuar te Shtëpia e Fëmijës ti!” The phrase used “Children’s Home”, a reference to institutions where children without care providers grow up, as an insult, implying shame and inferiority. Muharremi walked off the set and refused to continue the debate. The National Association of Orphans condemned the remark, calling it offensive, discriminatory, and unacceptable from an elected official. 

Mean whilst during the presentation of the 2026 state budget, opposition MPs staged a symbolic protest by turning their backs to Prime Minister Edi Rama as he began speaking. Instead of responding institutionally, Rama mocked and humiliated the MPs using degrading language, stating: “Më mirë shpina sesa fytyra juaj.” He further thanked them “for making his speech easier,” framing the protest as a joke. Rama continued to ridicule the MPs’ physical posture, turning the gesture into a sexualized insinuation.

The situation escalated when Rama targeted MP Flamur Noka with personalised mockery about loyalty, comparing him to Shefqet Peçi and Lei Feng. The exchange spread widely online, generating polarised public debate and raising concerns about parliamentary ethics, public humiliation, and degrading political discourse. The remarks were amplified by media headlines focusing on the sexualised and humiliating nature of the statements.

All three cases have come to show the level of hateful and harmful speech in parliament as well as between politicians. Regardless of your political position, this should never provide a justification to spread hate against others, to use insults, or to publicly humiliate. Furthermore, in cases like these, the media must uphold their professionality by reporting on these cases without providing a platform for further escalation of hate or amplifying situations through sensationalistic reporting.

Hate speech during the Republika Srpska presidential campaigns in Bosnia and Herzegovina

During the presidential election campaign in Republika Srpska, many political leaders, including Milorad Dodik and other officials, spread hate speech in their public statements. In anticipation, Detektor.ba, Zašto ne, and Transparency International Bosnia and Herzegovina started monitoring the financing of the campaign, hate speech, and misuse of public resources.

In this context, Dodik and his political allies used rhetoric aimed at mobilising their core electorate by spreading fear, division, and the demonisation of certain groups, Bosniaks, Muslims, migrants, and even critics from the international community. These statements are part of a broader strategy of constructing a sense of threat, in which political survival is tied to the ‘defence of the people,’ the “independence of RS,” or resistance to ‘imposed solutions.’ 

Milorad Dodik, whose mandate as President of Republika Srpska was revoked by the Central Election Commission has repeatedly delivered hate speech at the election rally in East Sarajevo. On one occasion he claimed “We do not form alliances with Muslims. There is no life for us in this country. There is no life here for Serbs. We must build and defend our independence.”

Two days after this statement, he went on to further demonise Muslims by claiming that: “This city must not allow further Islamisation. Don’t give me those stories, we are not the same people. We are not of the same faith. No one lies more or worse than a Turk.” After this statement, the Central Election Commission of Bosnia and Herzegovina decided to initiate proceedings ex officio against Milorad Dodik for hate speech. Members of the Central Election Commission voted, with five votes in favor, to fine the SNSD 30,000 KM because Dodik used hate speech during a speech at the party’s central tribune. 

On another occasion, Dodik spoke against migrants, stating: “Every day Western reports come out saying: this woman was raped, this child was raped. Have you seen what migrants did across England? They brought in thousands of girls, raped them, there is nothing they didn’t do. The British authorities did not dare intervene because they feared the revolt of Muslims, refugees and migrants who live there. And they tell us to accept 50,000 of them. Oh please, take them to your own home, why would I need them. That’s our policy.”

Alongside Dodik, platform Odgovorno.st recorded a statement by Darko Banjac, from the People’s Party of Srpska where he claimed that “On the 23rd, we are electing our president, the Serb people are electing their president, not someone imposed by that weakling, that ‘Schmitić’* who comes from the f****t European Union, and yes, they are f*****t, I’m telling you that now. That’s the EU we should go to? And Siniša Karan represents all other values. The values of tradition, the values of customs, the values of our Orthodox faith, the values of the family, that is the national being of the Serbian people. Long live our Serbian people, long live our RS, long live our Serbia, long live mother Russia.” Siniša Karan was running for President of Republika Srpska as the SNSD candidate.

*When speaking of “Schmitich”, Banjac was referring to the High Representative in BiH, Christian Schmidt, which is a derogatory term for Schmidt.

Hate Speech and Threats on Live TV in Kosovo

During a debate on TV T7 show, Pressing, MP Nezir Kraki and analyst Parim Olluri were invited to participate. The debate was related to the second round of local elections where Nezir Kraki, a member of the Guxo party, in coalition with the Vetëvendosje party got into a heated debate with analyst Parim Olluri. During the heated discussion, hate speech was used, which almost escalated into a physical altercation after Kraki addressed the analyst using the words “Qyp zagarë” (“Get away, you dog”). As a result, the host had to interrupt the show.

Following the incident, there were numerous reactions. One of them was a reaction from Donika Gërvalla (Minister of Foreign Affairs in the technical mandate), who together with Faton Peci (who, after the local elections, became mayor of South Mitrovica) leads the “Guxo” party. Gërvalla called the T7 media outlet “street-like” the host a street thug, and the analyst a paid street thug on her Facebook page. As a result, the Association of Journalists of Kosovo reacted to Donika Gërvalla’s post, emphasising in its statement that the language she uses is unacceptable. 

Often, representatives of the former government, who are currently in a technical mandate, use every opportunity to employ hate speech toward the media and journalists who are critical of them and their policies. However, regardless of political standing and whether you agree with someone’s criticism of your politics and policies, it is never an excuse to use hate speech nor to let it escalate into physical altercations.

Sensationalistic and unethical reporting in Montenegro

Towards the end of October, in the town of Berane, Montenegro, a 22-year-old woman, D.Ć.  was physically assaulted by a man identified as V. R. while working in a café. The brutal attack, captured by security cameras, showed the perpetrator kicking and hitting her in the head. The video was later circulated on social media and published by several news outlets.

Many media reports covered the case in a sensationalist and unethical manner, emphasising the victim’s Serb nationality in headlines and articles. The choice of framing shifted attention from gender-based violence to ethnic identity, fuelling nationalist tensions and deepening existing divisions within Montenegrin society. Rather than focusing on the perpetrator’s horrific actions and crime, the media completely shifted the focus and spotlight as to the ethnicity of the victim’s ethnicity, thereby undermining the importance of the issue a case like this raises as to the safety of women, level of misogyny in society and the prevalence of gender based violence.

The suspect was arrested the same day, and prosecutors charged him with violent behaviour. The incident sparked widespread public outrage and renewed debate about media ethics, gender-based violence, and ethnic polarisation in Montenegro. 

This sensationalistic reporting reflects a broader problem in the Montenegrin media landscape, where gender-based violence is frequently turned into clickbait content, and victims, especially women, are exposed rather than protected. By emphasising the victim’s Serb nationality, some outlets transformed an act of violence against a woman into a story about ethnic identity and intergroup hostility, echoing historical tensions that still shape public discourse in Montenegro.

This kind of framing not only undermines ethical journalism standards, but also perpetuates patriarchal and nationalist narratives, where women’s suffering is used to serve political or ideological purposes rather than to promote justice and solidarity.

Ethnic hatred in North Macedonia

Zhupanoski, a police officer in Struga, caused strong public reactions after he insulted Albanians by calling the Albanian flags placed along the Black Drin River for the 28 November celebration ‘rags with black eagles’. November 28^th marks the Independence Day of Albania, an important public holiday, traditionally marked with public displays of the red flag with the black double-headed eagle.

The tension around Zhupanoski’s remark stems from the deep symbolic significance of the Albanian flag in North Macedonia, especially in regions like Struga where there is a large Albanian community.  In this context, any derogatory reference to the flag is widely perceived not merely as a personal opinion but as an attack on a community’s identity and dignity. Such incidents quickly gain public attention due to the country’s sensitive interethnic dynamics, the historical struggle for equal rights for Albanians, and the broader expectations that public officials, particularly police officers, maintain impartiality and respect toward all communities.

In another incident during the same month, the League of Fighters of the National Liberation and Anti-Fascist Alliance sharply criticized Tetovo Mayor Biljal Kasami for appointing Albi Qamili as Deputy Mayor, calling the move an “ethnic majoritarian gesture” that undermines the idea of an inclusive, multiethnic city. In their reaction, they questioned why a Macedonian was not considered for the position and accused Kasami of abandoning the balanced representation he previously promoted. The organisation also objected to the municipality’s November holiday program, claiming that official announcements ignore the Macedonian language and focus solely on Albanian national holidays. The appointment has triggered negative reactions primarily from Macedonian nationalist circles, who frame it as another example of ethnic favouritism.

The reaction circulated online was based on misleading and selectively framed information. Despite the claims that the appointment of Albi Qamili as Deputy Mayor was an “ethnic majoritarian move,” the Municipality of Tetovo never announced that the position must rotate by ethnicity, nor is there any legal or political rule requiring a Macedonian to be appointed. The narrative also falsely suggested that all November municipal activities were exclusively in Albanian, even though the municipality regularly publishes content in both languages. Several portals amplified the statement from the League of Fighters without verification, presenting it as a widespread public reaction rather than the position of a small ideological group. This framing fed into the long-standing disinformation narrative that Albanians in local government intentionally marginalize Macedonians, even though Tetovo has a long multiethnic administrative structure and coalition-based decision-making. The story was shared in a way that fuelled ethnic polarisation rather than reflecting the factual administrative process behind the appointment.

North Macedonia has a delicate multi-ethnic balance, and tensions between the Albanian and Macedonian communities remain present. In situations like this, irresponsible or sensationalist media coverage, along with inflammatory remarks from prominent public figures, only deepens those tensions. The media should and must do better to report in a professional manner that does not serve to further fuel ethnic polarisation. 

Subtle Misogyny and Manipulation in Serbia

1^st of November in Serbia marked one year after the canopy collapse at the Novi Sad train station that left 16 dead. Over 100.000 people, including thousands of students who marched from Belgrade, Novi Pazar, Subotica and other cities across the country, gathered in Novi Sad to commemorate the 16 victims in 16 minutes of silence. 

After the commemoration, Dijana Hrka, mother of Stefan Hrka, who died under the canopy, announced she will be starting a hunger strike in front of the Parliament in Belgrade. And so she did, for the next 16 days. Hrka said she demands a full and impartial investigation into the canopy collapse and the release and clearing of charges for all students, she says were unlawfully detained during protests. She also called for parliamentary elections, insisting that institutions must “do their job and determine who killed her child and the other 15 people.”

Those days were marked by a series of articles about her in pro-regime outlets. Instead of dealing with facts, these outlets turned to manipulation, portraying her as a passive actor being used by others and forced to go on a hunger strike, claiming this was not her decision.

Tabloids called Hrka “a victim the opposition is using for its goals” and “a woman humiliated and manipulated by the blockaders”, while her strike was shown as “an excuse for unrest in front of Parliament”. Since the moment she began her hunger strike, a counter-rally was organized in the so-called Ćacilend, a blocked part of the street in front of the Parliament with tents where government supporters gather. Loud music was played from there non-stop for days, including a Baja Mali Knindža song featuring the line “a mother went to look for her son”.

President Aleksandar Vučić, among other things, said he “understands political performances,” while calling on Hrka to end her strike. Although he expressed concern for her health, by framing her fight for justice as a “performance” he relativised the motives behind her decision.

The attempts to undermine the fight of Dijana Hrka, who seeks justice for her son and 15 others who died in the canopy collapse, relies on harmful, outdated narratives.

From subtle misogynistic messages about her “emotional instability” in pro-regime outlets to claims that someone manipulated, persuaded, or exploited her, coverage has escalated to outright dismissal of her hunger strike. The editor of Informer, Dragan J. Vučićević, during a live programme, also accused citizens supporting her of “wishing for her death.”

The Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media (REM) is the body responsible for responding to such content. However, REM has effectively been nonfunctional for a year. Although a new composition was recently selected, four newly appointed members, Rodoljub Šabić, Dubravka Valić Nedeljković, Ira Prodanov Krajišnik, and Mileva Malešić, resigned shortly after.

In their statement, they emphasised their participation in REM “would make sense only if the Council were elected in full and if there was a possibility to work independently, professionally, and in the public interest. This is not giving up on the fight, on the contrary, this situation shows why the fight was and remains necessary.”

Despite efforts to form an independent and responsible REM, the second attempt to elect the Council has also failed. Serbian media continue to operate without meaningful oversight, and unprofessional and unethical reporting faces no consequences. As ongoing manipulation, disinformation, and hateful and harmful messaging go unpunished, we are witnessing their escalation. Messages that normalise violence and dehumanisation are becoming increasingly common.