When Grief Becomes Political: How Tragedy is Weaponized Against a Free Press and Youth in North Macedonia and Serbia

Two recent tragedies—one in North Macedonia and one in Serbia—have sparked waves of student-led protests in Skopje and Belgrade, drawing attention to deep-seated political and institutional failures in both countries.

In March, a horrific fire tore through the makeshift Pulse nightclub in Kočani, North Macedonia, killing 61 people and injuring hundreds more. Meanwhile, in Novi Sad, Serbia, the November 2024 collapse of a poorly maintained canopy of the Novi Sad Train Station left 16 dead and shocked the nation.

These events have become symbols of long-standing dysfunction within public systems and governance—marked by regulatory negligence, lack of accountability, and political apathy. In response, young people took to the streets not only to mourn the victims, but to demand real change, transparency, and institutional responsibility.

A Generation Demanding Dignity

In both North Macedonia and Serbia, the protests that followed these tragedies were not just outpourings of grief—they were acts of resistance. They became “a collective cry” from a generation tired of being collateral damage in systems filled with corruption, negligence and impunity.

Students in Skopje and Belgrade did not take to the streets as political pawns. They came as citizens—frustrated, disillusioned, and determined to hold power to account. Their demands were simple yet profound: safety in public spaces, dignity in governance, and justice for lives that should not have been lost.

In a region where youth are often dismissed as apathetic or politically disengaged, these protests offered a striking counter-narrative: a generation that refuses to stay silent in the face of systemic failure.

When the Demand for Justice Turns into a “Threat to the State”

However, not everyone welcomed these calls for justice. In North Macedonia, the portal Alfa.mk published an opinion piece by journalist Branko Geroski criticizing the protests: “The calls were not articulated” and the protests were “attempts to create chaos and undermine institutional stability”.

He argued that the student actions were not sincere, but politically driven: “They were not sincere calls for accountability, but a political agenda to destabilize the country.”

A similar reaction unfolded in Serbia. The tabloid Alo.rs ran the headline: “Students admit protests are political.” However, apart from a vague statement from one student, most commentary came from professors.

“They wanted change, but mostly they joined something that someone else had conceived and designed,” said Dragana Mitrović, professor at the Faculty of Political Sciences in Belgrade. Even though most professors have been supporting students since the faculty blockade started, Mitrović has been criticizing students since the beginning. She was critical of youth-led protests long before the canopy collapsed.

Mickoski and Vučić: Similar Reactions to Criticism

North Macedonia’s Prime Minister Hristijan Mickoski and Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić offered nearly identical narratives in response to student protests. While Mickoski acknowledged public frustration, he cast the protests as politically motivated.

“I cannot justify the political rodents and vultures who do not want a strong VMRO-DPMNE government because it is the buffer zone and the last pillar that will not allow the destruction of Macedonia,” Mickoski said.

In Serbia, Vučić insisted that all student demands had already been addressed, and dismissed the ongoing protests: “We will tolerate this up to a certain point, and then we will behave in accordance with the rules that the state must respect.”

Biljana Georgievska of North Macedonia’s Media Ethics Council criticized the authorities’ post-tragedy communication strategies. She argued that government responses focused too heavily on numbers, arrests, and procedural updates—neglecting deeper accountability.

“This issue will probably disappear from the media and public discourse, pushed aside by PR tactics that distract attention and inflame passions with nationalism or sensationalism. However, no matter how skilled the party PR tools are at ‘sweeping things under the carpet’, the collective memory of the tragedy and the anger over the abuse of power by officials responsible for public safety will not disappear,” says Georgievska.

Media Darkness for Youth Voices

While politicians dominated headlines, the voices of young people were often sidelined. In Serbia, the Instagram page Detektor smeća—which claims to expose extremists—published names and photos of protesting students, painting them as national threats.

photo: screenshot from @detektorsmeca on Instagram

Professor Sead Dzigal, who teaches ethics in communication, said that such intimidation tactics create a climate of fear. “Some may refrain from expressing criticism or dissent altogether. This type of pressure aims to demotivate protests and activism, discouraging further participation in demonstrations or self-organization. As a result, some students may distance themselves from the movement to protect their personal reputation, which can ultimately weaken their cohesion,” says Dzigal.

In North Macedonia, the student-run Instagram page Studentaria was targeted simply for posting videos from a rally where the education minister was present. One student became a target because his father was formerly a government minister—despite no current political involvement.

“Students from families with known oppositional backgrounds can be labeled as political enemies regardless of their personal views or opinions. This encourages broader polarization, where students are drawn into an ‘us versus them’ dynamic based on family ties, rather than individual qualities and positions,” says Dzigal.

What If We Actually Asked the Young People?

Media expert Ilir Gashi observed that young people in Serbia had been largely invisible in media before these protests—leading many to wrongly assume they were disengaged.

“Many believed that young people were apolitical — that they knew nothing, didn’t care, didn’t follow the news, and just stared at their phones. However, it turned out that young people know, follow, and think. Their understanding of politics and political engagement is far ahead of what has been mainstream in Serbia so far. The real problem was a generational misunderstanding: young people simply did not behave the way older generations expected, which led to assumptions that they were passive, uninterested and lacking a sense of community and politics,” says Gashi.

Meanwhile, journalist Angela Petkova from North Macedonia noted a lack of public empathy in her country toward grieving families and students seeking justice.
 She also expressed disappointment: students in North Macedonia, she says, have not yet shown the same level of unity or visibility as their peers in Serbia.

“Corruption in Serbia has killed sixteen people, including a Macedonian from Sveti Nikole. Since then, students have been on the streets every day, blocking universities and bringing the country to a standstill because they understand that otherwise, it will continue to kill. Corruption in Macedonia has killed sixty-two young, unspoiled lives. Yet, the students have continued with their daily routines, ignoring the reality that we are all living in a shed waiting to be set on fire,” says Petkova.

She hopes that her generation will not forget the murder of the young people in Kočani and dreams of a day when the streets will be full — until the institutions are emptied and rebuilt from the ground up, with honest and capable people.

The Enduring Fight for Justice in the Balkans

These tragedies in Kočani and Novi Sad have laid bare the ongoing tension between citizens and institutions in the Western Balkans. As students take to the streets to mourn and demand change, their voices are too often dismissed, politicized, or outright silenced. Yet the clarity and courage of this generation suggest that they are not easily deterred—and that their collective memory of injustice may outlast the news cycle.

Author: Despina Kovachevska, Reporting Diversity Network media monitor

Photo: Marija Jovanović