Monthly Monitoring Highlights – August 2026

During the month of August, the RDN monitoring team identified a range of hateful narratives and discourse glorifying war criminals, unprofessional reporting and direct attacks on journalists and the public. 

Glorification of war criminal Ratko Mladić in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and North Macedonia

This month marked the death of war criminal Ratko Mladić during his imprisonment in the Hague. Mladić was a Bosnian Serb military officer who led the Army of Republika Srpskaduring the war in the 1990s in former Yugoslavia. He was found guilty of committing war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide by the International Criminal Tribunal for the formal Yugoslavia. He was deemed responsible for the siege over Sarajevo as well as the Srebrenica genocide in which at least 8372 Bosniak men and boys were killed in and around Srebrenica. Mladić served a life sentence for his crimes in the Hague until his death on the 27th of August. 

Following his death, media across the region including in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and North Macedonia failed to report on Mladić for the war criminal he was but rather described him as a member of the army and in some cases, a national hero. The media failed to mention his role in the Srebrenica genocide and his life sentence in the Hague for his crimes.

While global media coverage of the death of the convicted war criminal focused on both his crimes and details of his life sentence served at the Hague, the media across the region failed to do so.

In Serbia, N1, Danas, Nova.rs and other professional media outlets reported extensively on the death of the war criminal. The reports did not glorify his crimes and have mentioned his conviction. Although the victims of the genocide were not central to the coverage by N1 and Danas, they were at least clearly mentioned.

On the other hand, pro-government tabloids such as Informer published a series of sensationalist and inflammatory headlines glorifying the war criminal. During a broadcast, Informer editor Dragan J. Vučićević stated: “The real news today should not be that Ratko Mladić has died, but that he was killed in the Hague Tribunal. It is a terrorist organisation whose goal is to convict Serbs of genocide, and now it has killed a general.” This statement reflects the approach taken by the tabloids in their coverage of the news. The denial of genocide, denial of crimes, and the glorification of the war criminal were accompanied by the well-known quote, “General, may your mother be thanked…” They also reported that Mladić had confessed, received Holy Communion, and “died with a cross in his hand.”

Pro-government tabloids also continued their campaign against the student blockade protesters, reporting that “the protesters are celebrating” Mladić’s death and allegedly wishing for Vojislav Šešelj’s death.

RTS, the national public service, reported on Mladić’s biography and mentioned in passing that he was a Hague convict. In Dnevnik 2, Mladić was shown in uniform at the Tribunal. While the focus was on his biography, there was no mention of the victims. B92 criticised Croatian and Sarajevo media outlets, claiming that they were “competing to gloat over and insult the deceased General Mladić.” On TV Prva, the focus was on Mladić’s medical treatment in The Hague and the ban on his treatment in Serbia. The report then ended with a journalist standing outside the Mladić family home saying: “And I would like to say one more thing in conclusion: General, may you have eternal glory and gratitude.”

Some of the most complete, professional, and in-depth coverage of this news came from the BBC’s Serbian service and Radio Free Europe which put Mladić’s verdict to the forefront and reported on the victims with dignity. 

In a similar manner, media outlets in Republika Srpska in Bosnia and Herzegovina reported on Ratko Mladić’s death without mentioning the fact that he was convicted of genocide and other war crimes. Public broadcasting service RTRS, for example, broadcast a report from his hometown of Kalinovik featuring footage of a smiling Mladić in uniform and statements describing his death as bringing “silence and deep sadness” to the town. Residents and the local mayor portrayed Mladić as a victim of injustice, claiming that he had been denied a fair trial and adequate medical treatment, while no relevant context about his convictions and responsibility for war crimes and genocide was provided.

Coverage of Ratko Mladić’s death in the media in Republika Srpska largely focused on his military career, portraying him as a “general”, while downplaying or omitting the crimes for which he was convicted. Nezavisne novine reported that “General Mladić” died after receiving religious rites, while Glas Srpske focused on “who the general was”, reported calls to light candles for him and highlighted a possible street being named after him.

In Montenegro, upon hearing the news of Maldić’s death, the Parliament Speaker Andrija Mandić publicly announced that he had sent condolences to Mladić’s son, both personally and on behalf of his party, the New Serb Democracy.  Coming from one of Montenegro’s highest-ranking state officials, such a public tribute risks normalising or relativising the legacy of a convicted war criminal and undermining Montenegro’s stated commitment to confronting the crimes of the 1990s. Dario Vraneš, the Mayor of Pljevlja, went further by publishing an obituary-style tribute to Ratko Mladić, thanking him “for everything you did for the Serbian people” and addressing him as “General.”

Furthermore, the Montenegrin portal Borba published a column following the death of Ratko Mladić, portraying Mladić in a highly positive and heroic manner, describing him as someone who “defended his people and his country,” while downplaying the nature and gravity of the crimes for which he was convicted. Such glorification of a convicted war criminal may contribute to the justification or minimisation of war crimes and genocide..

In North Macedonia, there was a similar reaction. One example includes the Director of the Agency for the Realisation of the Rights of Communities, Dalibor Kitanović, who was appointed by the Government of the Republic of North Macedonia with the aim of promoting and protecting the rights of Bosniaks, Turks, Albanians, Roma, and other communities, as well as contributing to interethnic trust and equality. During working hours, he publicly shared content that glorified historical Chetniks and also glorified, with the highest honours, Ratko Mladić. He posted an image portraying convicted war criminal Ratko Mladić among “generals of the heavenly army.” The post sparked political condemnation and calls for an investigation into whether it could constitute public approval or justification of genocide or war crimes under North Macedonia’s Criminal Code.

Furthermore, on social media, numerous comments from Macedonians appeared online in connection with Ratko Mladić, with some users openly expressing admiration for him and referring to him as a “general,” “hero,” and “brave defender of his country.” “Rest in peace, General, a hero for all time,” “General, rest in peace. You bravely defended your country,” and “You are a hero” are just some of the messages that can be found in the comments.

The past cannot be changed but the present is what all of us shape together. The media has the responsibility and the power to create a future in which we will never fear similar events happening again. They also have the responsibility to report on the genocide in Srebrenica and other atrocities that occurred across the region during the nineties, while putting the spotlight on the stories of victims and survivors to maintain the culture of remembrance.Without this, there is no hope of moving forward and ensuring reconciliation amongst communities after the wars in the region in the 1990s. We have to acknowledge the past atrocities and commemorate the victims of these war crimes in order to move forward. 

Unprofessional, sensationalistic reporting in Kosovo

In the village of Kërvasari, in the municipality of Malisheva, a 25-year-old pregnant woman was killed. According to the Kosovo Police and the Prosecutor’s Office, her 26-year-old husband was suspected of shooting her and was also found wounded by a firearm. He was initially taken to the University Clinical Center of Kosovo (QKUK) in critical condition, butdied from his injuries on 27 August.

According to media reports, the husband lived in Germany and had mental health problems (some media outlets claim that he had schizophrenia), that he had been held in detention for one month for an attempted murder, and that both his family and the victim’s family had allowed the marriage. Some media outlets even reported that the murdered woman had asked for her husband to be taken to an appropriate healthcare institution so that he could receive the necessary treatment.

The victim’s sister asked the media not to publish unverified information, such as claims that the killing occurred because of the husband’s jealousy. However, despite this, the media, in violation of the Code of Ethics, published personal identifiable information about the victim and private information on the case. This included the identities of the victim and the alleged perpetrator, as well as allegedly verified information about the husband’s illness, even though they provided no evidence from a psychiatrist, psychologist, or another specialised professional exclusively dealing with such mental disorders. 

A large number of citizens condemned the killing on social media, while some people also criticized the parents’ following reports that the husband suffered from schizophrenia.

Publishing private information in cases like this, is of no interest to the public. It is merely a tactic to sensationalise a news story to draw readers and attention at the expense of those involved including the victim and her family. The media should adhere to its professional standards and Code of Ethics to report responsibly on such cases.

Direct attacks on journalists and the public in Albania

On 6 August 2026, Prapaskena.com published an article targeting members of the Albanian diaspora involved in organising or supporting protests against the government of Prime Minister Edi Rama. The article describes these individuals as a new group of “revolutionaries” allegedly attempting to revive the so-called “Flamingo Revolution” and “overthrow” the Rama government.

The article repeatedly used mocking and derogatory language to describe protesters and their supporters. It referred to people associated with the protests as “drug addicts,” “megalomaniac and theatrical characters,” “self-proclaimed intellectuals,” and “imaginary leaders and prime ministers.” It also portrays journalists associated with the protests as helping to artificially keep the movement alive.

A particularly serious element is the claim that the new diaspora organisers have been identified and are being monitored and verified by police and intelligence services. The article stated that some of them are allegedly involved in criminal activity in EU countries and are being investigated for possible links with “unfriendly circles” seeking to destabilise Albania. These allegations were presented without identifying the individuals involved or providing evidence to substantiate the claims.

The whole article attempted to undermine the credibility of diaspora participation by portraying previous diaspora protesters as primarily interested in leisure and tourism rather than political participation. The publication concluded by attributing the decline of the protest movement to several alleged factors, including organised violence, antisemitism, an “Iranian background,” and what it describes as “charlatanism” and primitive political platforms. These claims further associated the protest movement with extremism, criminality, foreign influence, and political incompetence.

Alongside this, Blendi Gonxhja, an Albanian government minister and Socialist Party politician, published a lengthy post on his official Facebook page attacking protesters, opposition figures, journalists, activists, and other individuals involved in the ongoing protest movement.

Rather than addressing the substance of the protests or the issues raised by the public, Gonxhja used highly derogatory and dismissive language to describe those involved. He characterised opposition figures and protesters through a long series of labels, including references to them as “extremists,” “racists,” “Bolsheviks,” “Marxists,” “frustrated losers,” “delusional,” “hysterical,” and other degrading terms.

The post also directly targeted journalists, claiming that “half of the journalists” were effectively doing the work of protesters as well, presenting their reporting and presence at demonstrations as evidence of political alignment. Gonxhja further attacked specific categories of protesters, including opposition politicians, diaspora participants, activists, and individuals described as “Flamingos,” a label that had become part of the political discourse surrounding the protests. He portrayed these groups as incapable of representing genuine public support and attempted to diminish the significance of the demonstrations by emphasising the presence of children, minors, and a small number of participants.

Overall, the stigmatisation and delegitimisation of the protests and outcry of the public through tactics of labelling and directly attacking is extremely problematic. Terms such as ‘revolutionaries’ and ‘drug addicts’ collapse a whole group of diverse protestors, activists, journalists and diaspora into a single negative category, thereby completely undermining their identity and political will. The framing reduces the legitimacy of the protest and strips away from the core issue at hand – the corruption at the government level and the dissatisfaction of the Albanian citizens and diaspora.