Monthly Highlights June: Ethnic discrimination, sexism, online harassment alongside hatred towards journalists and genocide denial

July 11, 2025

During the month of June, the RDN monitoring team detected a range of hateful narratives and discourse fuelled by sexism and ethnic discrimination alongside online harassment and cases of genocide denial and hatred towards journalists.

Ethnic discrimination fuelled by media in North Macedonia

In North Macedonia, a headline was published reading “ПРИТИСНАЛ НА ГАС, НАМЕСТО НА КОЧНИЦА: Едно лице загина откако Албанец со џип влетал во пекара(Pressed the gas instead of the brake: One person died after an Albanian man drove an SUV into a bakery)”. The headline incited hate speech on ethnic grounds as it unnecessarily emphasised the ethnic identity of the driver (“Албанец” – Albanian), despite the fact that the person’s ethnicity is irrelevant to the incident itself. In doing so, it implicitly linked a tragic and possibly accidental event to a specific ethnic group, reinforcing harmful stereotypes and potentially fuelling ethnic tension. By identifying the driver as “an Albanian” rather than simply as “a man” or “a driver,” the headline shifted the focus from individual responsibility to collective identity, encouraging readers to form negative associations between Albanians and reckless or dangerous behaviour.

This type of framing contributes to the stigmatisation of minority communities and violates journalistic ethics aimed at objectivity, fairness, and the avoidance of incitement. The media should adhere to ethical and journalistic standards, presenting information and news to the public in an impartial manner rather than acting as catalysts for the spread of hate speech.

Sexism and objectification in Albania

She’s On Top is a show aired on Sundays as part of Top Channel’s Sunday programming. With the arrival of summer, it is common for television networks to introduce seasonal programs that claim to showcase women and girls in their full complexity of character and personality. However, such shows have historically placed women in roles that are traditionally subject to public scrutiny, often exposing them to mockery, offensive commentary, hate speech, and discriminatory attitudes.

Recently, during a game organised at a pool outside Tirana, two groups of girls competed against each other. At one point, when one of the girls lost the challenge, two others attempted to throw her into the pool. Alarmed, she resisted and pleaded with them not to touch her. The conflict escalated to the point where it nearly turned into a physical altercation.

Beyond the show’s stated intent to portray women and their freedom of expression, these programs often intentionally or not contribute to the amplification of stereotypes, the objectification of women, and the hyper-sexualisation of their bodies. The verbal confrontations as seen in this instance, which frequently verge on physical altercations, portray women as overly emotional and irrational, incapable of managing their emotions, and as figures valued more for their physical appearance than for their intellectual or professional capabilities.

The arguments promoted among the women participating in such programs are typically shallow and lacking substance, raising serious concern about how such shows are given airtime and how women’s images are used to boost ratings at the expense of gender dignity and justice. TV shows like these should not be utilising women as a form of entertainment at their expense whilst equally acting disrespectful.  TV shows like these should not be utilising women as a form of entertainment at their expense whilst equally acting disrespectful; rather, they should be promoting respectful, accurate representations that challenge outdated stereotypes.

Online harassment in Kosovo

Flutura Kusari announced on her Facebook page that she had filed a criminal complaint against Vetëvendosje party supporter Mentor Llugaliu, due to the fact that over the past three years she had experienced online harassment. During these three years, Llugaliu, had made at least 101 posts against Kusari on his Facebook page, which garnered over 42,000 likes, 700 shares, and 2,200 comments. Kusari stated that Llugaliu aimed to abuse, intimidate, and cause emotional distress to her and her family—and that he succeeded in doing so.

“The harassment, which also contained threatening and sexual content, and the obsessive three-year online stalking by the accused Llugaliu, was carried out as revenge for my activism in monitoring the selection process for the RTK board members, a process in which he failed to become a member,” Kusari wrote, among other things.

As a result, Kusari has received support from numerous domestic and international non-governmental organizations, the Association of Journalists of Kosovo, and various embassies. In response, Llugaliu has been referring to Kusari as a “mosquito” in nearly every post, and supporters of the Vetëvendosje party have used the same label for her. This term was also used in the comments on Llugaliu’s posts by professor and political analyst Nexhmedin Spahiu.

Mentor Llugaliu is close to the Vetëvendosje party and was one of the candidates for the Board of the Public Broadcaster RTK. However, he was not selected. In order to become a board member, interested individuals must not only meet the formal criteria but also lobby members of political parties in order to secure enough votes in the Kosovo Parliament. Llugaliu clearly did not manage to achieve his goal and blamed Flutura Kusari for it, as she had monitored the interviews with potential board members and publicly shared her opinions about the procedures. One of the requirements for candidates is that they must not belong to or be closely affiliated with any political party.

Regardless of the circumstances, harassment—whether online or offline—is never acceptable. Even in times of heightened tension, respect for others must be maintained. There can be no justification for intimidation or causing emotional distress. Llugaliu should be held accountable for his actions.

Hate speech towards journalists in Montenegro

The portal Borba published an Instagram exchange involving businessman Ratko Knežević, in which he used offensive language and spread hate speech against Draško Đuranović, former editor of the daily Pobjeda and current columnist for the E Television portal.

The exchange followed Đuranović’s appearance on E Television, where he attempted to discredit long-time police official Milan Paunović. Just days earlier, Paunović had testified before a parliamentary committee, claiming that senior figures in the security sector had been covering up crimes committed by Montenegrin police officers for years. In response, Knežević launched a series of insults at Đuranović and accused him of being a former spy for the state security service.

Journalists have a responsibility to uphold ethical standards, including treating one another with respect, even in disagreement. Spreading hate or engaging in personal attacks should have no place in journalism, as it not only damages professional integrity but also encourages the public to adopt similar hostile behaviour.

Genocide denial in Bosnia and Herzegovina

The president of Republika Srpska Milorad Dodik once again denied the genocide in Srebrenica. At a press conference held on June 26, Dodik claimed that the significance of marking the 30th anniversary of the genocide in Srebrenica is being exaggerated, while on the other hand, the crimes against Serbs in Podrinje are not being discussed. Dodik again repeated that “it is undeniable that a crime took place in Srebrenica against Muslims, but it is not a crime of genocide, but a serious war crime.”

The words uttered by Dodik contradict facts established by the trial chambers of the Hague Tribunal, including several final judgments of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which confirmed that genocide was committed in Srebrenica.

Indeed, the Hague Tribunal, the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the judiciary in Serbia and Croatia have so far sentenced a total of 54 people to 781 years and five life sentences in prison – for genocide, crimes against humanity and other crimes committed in Srebrenica in July 1995.

Denial of genocide is punishable in Bosnia and Herzegovina under Article 145a of the Criminal Code however, Dodik continues to disobey and breach this law by continuing to deny the genocide of Srebrenica and refusing to abide by local law. Dodik remains one of the highest political figures in the region who continues to deny genocide and the judicial facts established in relation to the genocide in Srebrenica. As the leader of Republika Srpska, Dodik holds a significant platform and influence in the region—one he repeatedly uses to spread divisive narratives and deny the genocide, undermining any prospects for peace, reconciliation, and coexistence. The Srebrenica genocide of 1995 left 8372 victims — and such rhetoric is not only deeply disrespectful to those affected by this war crime, but also dismisses the pain of survivors, their families, and entire communities still healing from its lasting trauma. Dodik should be held accountable and face the consequences of his actions in accordance with national law whilst simultaneously stopping to spread narratives of divide and hate.

Harmful media narratives surrounding the Vidovdan Protest in Serbia

In the days leading up to the large protest in Belgrade on June 28, Vidovdan, a major national and religious holiday in Serbia, pro-government media outlets used fearmongering, divisive and harmful narratives with the attempt to discredit student-led protests and deter public participation. Despite this, around 140 thousand people attended the protest.

Headlines in tabloids and coverage on national television painted a disturbing picture of the upcoming protest, referring to demonstrators as a “rampaging mob,” “terrorists,” and “extremists” allegedly plotting “bloodshed” in the capital. This paved the way to legitimise police violence that occurred during and after the protest towards peaceful protesters. Tabloids later directly legitimised the actions of the police as necessary against “hooligans”. As a response to the police brutality, citizens blocked major crossroads across the country in the following week. The police continued to use excessive force and arrested hundreds of protesters.

Most of Serbia’s mainstream media failed to cover key aspects of the crackdown: masked officers operating without identification, attacks on journalists, misogynist comments of police officers at the blockades, and the indiscriminate use of force.

Apart from this, a dominant narrative was that protesters or “blockaders”, as they are labelled in certain media outlets, want to “declare Serbs a genocidal nation”. Emina Spahić, a student at the State University of Novi Pazar, appeared in popular TV show Utisak nedelje before the protest. She reminded that we will soon mark 30 years since the genocide in Srebrenica and stated that “A people or a nation can never be genocidal – only individuals who participate in or support genocide.” Her statement at first drew a wave of online hate. Soon, the narrative of a “genocidal nation” reappeared in tabloids as well. This time weaponized against students and citizens involved in protests.

This narrative first appeared last year when UN’s declaration of July 11 as the International Day of Remembrance for the Genocide in Srebrenica was adopted. Although the resolution neither names Serbia and Serbs nor assigns collective guilt, Serbian officials and aligned media outlets framed it as an attack on the Serbian people – a campaign that resurfaced before the protest.

The atmosphere of hostility was further amplified by attacks on civil society organizations. Association Krokodil, which hosted its annual festival that weekend and included a programme dedicated to remembrance of the genocide, became a new target. Pro-regime media launched a campaign against the festival, triggering online threats, harassment, and even physical attacks on their offices.

These events and the complicity of certain media outlets in them reflect a dangerous trend – the shrinking space for free expression, protest, and cultural dialogue in Serbia. When the media acts as a mouthpiece for state power rather than a watchdog, it not only misinforms the public, but also enables violence and suppresses democratic rights.