Monthly Highlights April: Misogyny, hatred towards people with disabilities, religious discrimination and hatred in the context of student activism and elections
May 9, 2025
During April, the RDN monitoring team detected a range of hateful narratives and discourse fuelled by misogyny and religious intolerance coupled up with hatred spread in the context of student protests in Serbia and elections in Albania and Montenegro and towards people with disabilities.
Misogyny in Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina
In Kosovo since Leonida Molliqaj, an activist with the NGO QIKA, explained that she could not participate in a scheduled debate on Klan Kosova TV about the rape of a minor due to prior commitments, journalist Kron Sadiku from the show Kosovo Today responded with a series of threats.
Sadiku launched defamatory accusations against feminist organisations in Kosovo, claiming that “men have to step up and speak out about women’s issues, while your organisations are misusing funds.” He even went as far as naming specific international organisations and announced that he was prepared to produce a special episode “with evidence” to expose what he alleged to be the misuse of resources by women’s organisations at the expense of the feminist cause.
Furthermore, he referenced a previous symbolic action organised by QIKA, falsely claiming that “you endangered the lives of Klan Kosova employees” — a statement related to the action taken in protest of the Atilla Kardesh case. These remarks, among others, were shared by Molliqaj on her Facebook profile.
Last year, TV Klan Kosova was fined €30,000 for inviting Atilla Kardesh — a person convicted of domestic violence — to participate in the Big Brother show. Following strong reactions from civil society, the broadcaster was forced to remove Kardesh from the show. However, he was still invited to the studio to comment on developments inside the Big Brother house.
This decision was again met with strong opposition from civil society, especially from feminist organisations and those working on women’s rights. While it cannot be stated with certainty, one of the reasons activist Molliqaj refused to participate in the Klan Kosova TV programme appears to be the fact that her organisation, along with several others, considers Klan Kosova to be a sexist media outlet. Journalist Kron Sadiku, through his narrative, has only further reinforced such claims.
The threats and defamatory remarks directed at activist Leonida Molliqaj and feminist organisations in Kosovo are unacceptable and reflect a broader pattern of misogyny in society and attempts to silence women’s voices in public discourse.
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the media reported on the death of Turkish model Güler Erdoğan in a sensationalist and unprofessional manner, prioritising clicks over ethical journalism. Most outlets claimed she travelled to Giresun with her family, drank alcohol, and fled from police—an unverified narrative that allegedly led to her death. Despite reporting that her family did not comment, the family in fact issued a public statement urging people not to believe misleading media reports.
Several outlets falsely labelled her as “Miss Balkans,” though her official title, as listed on her Instagram profile, was “Miss Freedom of Balkans 2022.” This misrepresentation appears aimed at framing the story as a regional or “shared” tragedy, which it is not. The coverage reflects a broader pattern of media exploiting the death of a young woman without verifying facts, undermining journalistic integrity and the public interest.
The media have a role and responsibility to report in an ethical and unbiased manner. By reporting on the death of the Turkish model Güler Erdoğan in a sensationalistic manner and even probing accusations putting the blame on the victim and her habits, this goes against all standards of professional journalism. The media has a responsibility to verify facts before sharing information with the public; its role is to inform, not to pass judgment.
Hatred towards people with disabilities in North Macedonia
In North Macedonia, a notary verbally abused a blind man during an appointment, shouting at him and calling him “illiterate,” and criticizing him for “not looking” and “not listening.” After investigating the incident, a commission concluded that it was a serious case of discrimination. The investigation also uncovered that people with disabilities were routinely being charged three times the regular price for notary services. This was mainly because people with disabilities—particularly those with visual impairments—are often accompanied by others, which results in them being charged more.
After the incident became public, media outlets across the country gave it significant attention. Newspapers, television stations, news websites, and social media platforms reported on the case, often using strong and direct headlines that highlighted the hate speech and discrimination involved. However, many of these headlines used offensive language, which not only echoed the notary’s harmful words but also raised concerns about media ethics. By repeating such language, the media may have inadvertently perpetuated the same hate speech they were reporting on, breaching journalistic standards that aim to avoid sensationalism and respect the dignity of all individuals. The media has a crucial role in preventing the spread of hatred and discrimination. Rather than offering a platform for hateful narratives, they should use their reach to promote respect for all individuals and hold those who spread hate accountable.
Religious discrimination in Montenegro
During the lead-up to the April 13th mayoral elections in Nikšić, Montenegro, the political climate was marked by divisive rhetoric and instances of hate speech. Marko Kovačević, the candidate from the New Serbian Democracy and the incumbent mayor, was re-elected, but his campaign drew significant controversy for provoking ethnic and political tensions.
On April 7th, the pro-Serbian nationalist portal Borba, which supports Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić’s party, published a statement attributed to Kovačević. At a political rally, he reportedly declared, “Everyone who votes for DPS on April 13th is a criminal and a thief like Milo Đukanović,” a remark targeting both the opposition Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) and its long-time leader.
Further controversy followed on April 11th during a televised debate on the Okvir programme. Kovačević stated that the DPS candidate, Boris Muratović, might be suitable to govern municipalities like Rožaje, Plav, Gusinje, or Cetinje — but “definitely not Nikšić.” These comments were widely interpreted as ethnically and religiously charged. Rožaje, Plav, and Gusinje have majority Muslim populations, and Cetinje is known as a center of Montenegrin identity. Although Muratović is not a Muslim, his surname, derived from “Murat,” alludes to Sultan Murat and evokes nationalist myths around the Battle of Kosovo. The implication was clear: Kovačević was asserting that only an ethnic Serb should govern Nikšić.
These statements show how the political campaign in Montenegro is identity-based, as it deals with national, religious, and identity issues. It, furthermore, fuels religious and ethnic intolerance, as well as division within the civic, multi-ethnic, and multicultural Montenegro.
Hate speech during electoral campaign in Albania
During the 2025 electoral campaign, Prime Minister Edi Rama made several controversial statements that have raised concerns about misogyny, ableism, and discriminatory rhetoric. The campaign, led by the Socialist Party (PS), included extensive outreach events across municipalities such as Kamëz, Kolonjë, Berat, and others. However, several campaign statements have raised serious concerns regarding the use of misogynistic, ableist, and discriminatory language, especially against women, persons with disabilities, political opponents, and citizens with differing political affiliations.
On the 11th of April, during a political event, Prime Minister Edi Rama publicly referred to the Speaker of Parliament, Elisa Spiropali, using the term “mamicë”—a diminutive, patronising nickname that trivializes her role and position. While the term may appear informal or even affectionate, in a professional and political context, it reinforces gender stereotypes, undermines the authority of women leaders, and reduces their contributions to maternal or supportive roles rather than positions of power. On April 20, 2025, during a meeting in Kamëz, Rama urged young women to pressure their boyfriends into supporting the Socialist Party, further promoting political loyalty through coercive language. Alongside this, Prime Minister Edi Rama made several offensive statements, including the use of the term “autik” (autistic) to label political opponents as mentally unfit for choosing alternatives to his political platform. On April 19th, during a campaign rally in Kolonjë, Rama repeatedly referred to opposition figures as “bufi i kënetës” (swamp owl) and their supporters as “kukumjaçka” (screech owls), reinforcing the idea that those outside his camp are lesser or irrational. Furthermore, during a campaign rally in Berat, Edi Rama referred to his political opponents with dehumanizing metaphors and personal insults. Notably, he called Eno Bozdo, PD’s candidate in Berat, a “qyp arkeologjik” (archaeological jar), and a “vazo pa vlerë” (worthless vase), mocking his relevance and intelligence. And finally, on April 24th, following a verbal slip by Sali Berisha during a campaign address, in which he mistakenly stated “Demokratët do të marrin shtëpitë” (Democrats will take the houses), Edi Rama mocked the incident by sharing a video of a buffoonish owl on social media, captioned “Eh eh eh…” to suggest idiocy.
While Albanian media has played a vital role in documenting incidents of offensive language and hate speech during the 2025 electoral campaign—particularly those involving Prime Minister Edi Rama—it is important to reflect critically on how this coverage is unfolding.
A review of coverage from outlets such as Shqiptarja.com, Top Channel, A2 CNN, Panorama, Dosja.al, and Syri.net reveals a recurring pattern: Rama’s controversial statements are reported almost in real time, often with headlines quoting inflammatory phrases verbatim—such as “bufi i kënetës,” “autik,” and “çyryk.” These headlines are widely circulated, shared across social media, and repeatedly referenced in commentary segments, increasing their visibility and resonance. The media should not amplify discriminatory language and hatred but rather use its platform to hold those who spread such rhetoric accountable, avoiding sensationalism and contributing instead to a more respectful and informed public discourse and political debate.
Hatred surrounding the student protests in Serbia
On the evening of April 14th, students began blocking all buildings of Serbia’s public broadcasting services—two Radio Television of Serbia (RTS) buildings in Belgrade and the Radio Television of Vojvodina building in Novi Sad—calling on citizens to join them. For two full weeks, access to these buildings was limited, and staff were unable to work normally.
The students declared they would remain there until either new elections for the REM Council were called or RTS until ”shuts down”. The REM Council has been inactive since November 4th, when previous members’ mandates expired.
CSOs and journalist associations raised concerns over the previous REM selection process, urging the National Assembly to ensure legally qualified candidates.
On April 28th, the Parliamentary Committee for Culture and Information annulled the controversial November 2024 REM Council elections and launched a new procedure for nominating members, meeting the students’ core demand.
RTS filed criminal charges against unknown individuals for disrupting their broadcast. The 14-day blockade significantly impacted programming: most days saw only two news shows, aired from undisclosed locations, and for the first time since October 5th, 2000, RTS did not air its late-night news program Dnevnik 3.
During this period, RTS mostly broadcast old films and pre-recorded content. Journalists faced harsh working conditions—some had their personal information shared online, “wanted poster”-style flyers with their photos appeared near RTS buildings, and some were summoned for “informational interviews” by the Security Intelligence Agency (BIA).
Several cases of harmful and hateful reporting were detected during these two weeks.A group of RTS workers “Naš pRoTeSt” stated that during a news segment on the public broadcasting service on April 17th, presenter Vesna Radosavljević compared students in the blockade to “mechanisms of control and censorship from the past, such as the Press Chamber of Nazi Germany”. Naš pRoTeSt added they “demand from the editor-in-chief of the Information Program Nenad LJ. Stefanović and his assistants Gorislav Papić and Zoran Stanojević to urgently inform us who is the author of the text in which the students in blockade are compared to Nazis”. They also asked which editor approved this text to be read.
In another case, the tabloid Informer published an article highlighting a social media post in which a man joked about finding a Spanish guy at the RTS blockade, captioned with: “Cruising works in front of RTS.”. Informer used this post for this text saying, “the RTS blockade is turning into a gay orgy”. Alongise this, Informer TV aired a photo of a young man at the blockade of RTS buildings holding a sign that reads “Death to patriarchy, freedom to the people”.
Informer editor-in-chief Dragan J. Vučićević used this photo to create a spin on how students wished death to the Patriarch of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Porfirije. Spreading misinformation and hatred online towards the public regarding the students and their activism, only contributes to deepening the divide in society and painting an inaccurate picture of the events taking place, shifting online hate to real-life consequences. The media should play no role in contributing to the spread of misinformation and hatred.