Author: Ivana Jelača
TROLL OF THE MONTH: Dnevni avaz
December 5, 2022
The Balkan Troll of the Month is an individual, a group of individuals or a media outlet that spreads hate based on gender, ethnicity, religion, or other diversity categories. The Balkan Troll is selected based on hate speech incidents identified across the Western Balkans region.
In the city of Tuzla in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a husband killed his wife and then committed suicide. This incident was picked up and reported by most of the media within the country, one of which was Dnevni avaz – an info portal and newspaper. The headline reported by Dnevni avaz read ‘The Alliance said goodbye to Mehmedović: He was a member of the Army of BiH, winner of the war recognition ‘Golden Lily’ badge’. The coverage itself continues to note how the perpetrator was a member of the Bosnia and Herzegovina army during the war after which he was presented with a war recognition for his actions. Furthermore, the story goes on to mention the association that gathers all the winners of this award came out with a statement emphasising his merits and actions. Amongst all this, no mention of the victim of the crime was reported or discussed.
The same portal published another headline which claimed to have ‘discovered’ more personal achievements of the perpetrator. The headline mentioned the perpetrator, who alongside receiving the war award was also ‘the father of football player Sloboda’. The article then talked about the order of events of the crime, concluding with the recent discovery that the perpetrator was indeed the father of a football player for FK Sloboda Tuzla, described as a talented young football player.
Most of the media within the country reported on this incident in a very similar manner, focusing primarily on the perpetrator and his personal achievements in reference to his war recognition and background. By focusing exclusively on the perpetrator and his achievements, with minimal reference to his crime, only aims to revitalise gender-based violence which should be the focus of such reporting. In this instance, femicide is presented as an incident rather than a consequence of continuous violence towards women. The coverage of this femicide by Dnevni avaz and others, only further spreads this rhetoric and, overall, contributes to the relativisation of femicide.
This is yet another example of the media’s role and contribution in the relativisation of femicide. Rather than focusing on the crime itself and gender-based violence as a social issue, headlines chose to focus on the perpetrator by highlighting his success during his lifetime whilst simultaneously glossing over his recent violent act. Presenting crimes such as this with headlines which glorify the perpetrator at the expense of the victim of the crime is extremely harmful. This type of media coverage only undermines the issue at hand rather than drawing public attention and focus to the widespread phenomenon of violence towards women; a societal issue which needs to be tackled and reacted to appropriately. It is crucial that the media, when reporting on cases of femicide, addresses the crime as femicide and educates the public on this topic.
Gender-based violence is an issue which is deep rooted in ‘centuries of adherence to the patriarchal value system’, one which has received growing attention and media coverage. According to the Secretary General of the Association of BiH Journalists, Borka Rudić, this sensationalist approach, which is seen in both the headlines and language of journalists, is indeed a form of ‘violation of the dignity of the victim‘ and ‘contrary to professional and ethical journalism’.
This inappropriate media attitude towards violence against women and lack of adherence to professional standards when reporting on femicide is extremely evident in the media and wider environment. RDN 2.0 continues to stress the importance of reporting in accordance with professional, ethnical journalistic practices and standards in order to prevent the relativisation of femicide and highlight the importance of tackling violence against women.
THE NEED FOR LIES
November 24, 2022
AN EXSPLOSIVE MIX OF IGNORANCE AND OVER-CONFIDENCE
If a passion for consuming disinformation was classified as an addiction by the World Health Organization (WHO), how would we identify the addicts? We could maybe do so by asking a standard set of questions, like when diagnosing whether someone is a heavy smoker or an alcoholic.
Let’s say that one Marko Marković from Belgrade comes to us for examination; he scrolls all day through the jungles of Facebook and is exposed to various fantastic, mystical, sensational, explosive and exclusive content. He’s gotten so used to it that everyday news reports no longer excite him, especially if they’re longer than ten lines.
First and foremost, it should be determined whether there is habituation. Do you feel, Mr. Marković, a craving for disinformation? He says he does.
Alright. Do you notice that you need an increasing amount of disinformation in order to reach the same level of satisfaction? He does, and it is of particular concern to him.
Have you ever tried to limit the time you spend consuming such content? He has, but abstinence was a severe crisis.
This fictitious Mr. Marković — along with hundreds of thousands of real people in Serbia who are similar to him — has a diagnosis we could sum up with a paragraph taken from the work of Mirjana Vasović, professor of political science at the University of Belgrade. In her treatise on manipulation techniques in propaganda, she writes:
“Most people oversimplify things when considering complex issues. Most people seek to confirm rather than refute their own preconceptions, even if faced with new information on a matter or individual. People have a need to belong and to, at the same time, exclude others from the group. They have a need to blame others for their own frustrations, inventing enemies and pointing their fingers at scapegoats. […] Specific acts of propaganda rely precisely on some of these psychological patterns, which are close to common sense.”
The Serbian media scene has provided its audience this year with all the materials needed to satisfy the above needs. Here’s a breakdown.
Need for simplification
There are a large number of platforms in Serbia that mobilize the most zealous citizens by serving manipulative and overly simplified presentations of various topics of public interest. The Facebook group “Stop the settlement of migrants” collected in the past few years over 300,000 followers by spreading xenophobic content before shifting their focus to 5G technology and then, during the pandemic, to vaccines and finally the war in Ukraine.
One regional study, based on a total of 1,500 pieces of disinformation about the war in Ukraine gathered from across Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Montenegro, showed that out of top 20 most frequent sources of manipulation, 16 are based in Serbia. The pro-Russian propaganda of Serbian tabloids and public broadcasters aim to reduce everything into a simplistic black and white binary: Ukrainians are provocateurs and Nazis, while Russians are victims, patriots and protectors of Serbia.
They use a number of manipulative strategies to prove this illusory argument. Swastikas are added, often in a very sloppy manner, to images of Ukrainian flags, buildings or tanks. Even Ukrainian President Zelenskyy was portrayed with a smile on his face while holding a jersey emblazoned with swastikas. It quickly became clear that this “proof” was in fact photoshopped — in the original photo, the jersey has a number 95 on it, not a swastika.
Disinformation on child organ trafficking in Ukraine, war crimes against Ukrainians being “staged” and secret biological research labs in Ukraine spread along similar lines.
Need for confirmation
After these types of media outlets lock you into a certain ideological or pseudoscientific model by means of various propaganda techniques, they try to keep you there, always bringing in fresh “evidence” you’re on the right track so you don’t go elsewhere. This mechanism is at play across the board.
When it comes to Covid-19 vaccines, the beginning of 2022 was clouded by manipulative narratives reassuring anti-vaxxers that they were right to refuse to get vaccinated. There were a number of reports in that manner about the poor efficacy of vaccines or about contraindications, like “sudden cardiac death syndrome” — which allegedly affects vaccinated people a few months after they get their shot.
Need for belonging
The wise Serbian foreign policy of balancing between the “four pillars” (the European Union, the United States, Russia and China) could better be described as the “sitting on the fence” policy and it brings little comfort at a moment when it seems Serbia doesn’t belong anywhere, particularly given that other countries are strengthening their alliances. To help this discomfort go down easier, Serbian media outlets put forward theories about the “new order” on the horizon, in which Serbia’s status will be more favorable and historical injustices will be corrected.
In July 2022, the tabloid Srpski Telegraf reported that Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán “calls for a European army and wants Serbia in it.” When asked about it by FakeNews Tragač, the government of Hungary denied that any such thing was ever planned.
This is the third piece of disinformation peddled by Srpski Telegraf along the same lines. They first invented Orbán’s project “E6” in 2020 — an alleged new union of Serbia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Czechia i Slovakia — before fabricating “E8” union plans two years later, which also included Croatia and Slovenia. In all three cases, the Hungarian government repudiated Srpski Telegraf’s claims, but this didn’t keep the tabloid from pumping up their fantasies. It remains to be seen what Orbán — I mean Srpski Telegraf, sorry — has in store for 2023.
Need for enemies
After several years in which Belgrade Pride occurred in relatively peaceful conditions, the atmosphere before this year’s EuroPride, held in Belgrade, became extremely tense and was accompanied by daily cases of hate speech against LGBTQ+ people and even death threats. This anti-pride campaign was spearheaded not only by right-wing parties or movements, but also some media outlets.
Disinformation about the LGBTQ+ movement’s involvement with pedophilia, the destruction of the “traditional Serbian family” and the promotion of “homosexual ideology” through textbooks and schools were coupled with other widely spread disinformation, such as about monkeypox, the supposedly eight-figure pricetag of Pride and its “anti-Serbian” character as well as the decadence of EU countries which have legalized same-sex marriage.
This was an example of a propaganda campaign that brought about direct and visible consequences in real life very quickly; violence against LGBT people grew, while a group of activists from Germany and Albania were attacked after the pride march in Belgrade.
Need for scarce resources
Shortages and an extremely high inflation rate apparently don’t seem as scary if others have it worse than us. Last spring, Serbian tabloids were all reporting about “empty shelves at stores across Europe” as if they were all part of an integrated newsroom; they didn’t hesitate to accompany these reports with images dating back to the first wave of the pandemic wave.
“Just like in Serbia in 1993. A grocery store in Germany — yesterday” read Informer’s caption under a photo taken in March 2020 in the American state Nebraska. Dozens of such pieces (1, 2, 3) were brought out alongside alleged testimonies of Serbian families sending food and other supplies to their hungry relatives abroad. By the end of summer, people in Serbia got first-hand experience of what empty grocery store shelves look like, particularly the ones where they used to find one of the most basic goods — milk.
Excess of self-confidence
Obviously, the made-up Mr. Marković from earlier is at a disadvantage. However, he made a first step towards finding a solution by admitting to having an issue. Many people in Serbia who are like him don’t see any issue with themselves. What’s more, they’re very self-confident about their media literacy and critical thinking skills.
According to a study carried out by IPSOS, 78% of Serbia-based participants agree with the following statement: “I’m confident that I can tell real news from fake news.” Only 15% of participants disagreed, which is the lowest percentage among all 27 participating countries. When we take a look at other parameters — ideas about Covid-19 and MMR vaccination rates or the attitude towards the economy, human rights, violence against women and the plight of people in Ukraine as well as as the plight of Serbian people with different sexual orientations — the conclusion is clear: our lives may be difficult and bleak, yet the one piece of comfort we have is that we’re the smartest ones in the world.
Author: Stefan Janjić
Feature image: Majlinda Hoxha / K2.0.
This image was created in part with GPT-3, OpenAI’s large-scale language-generation model.
This article was originally produced for and published by Kosovo 2.0. It has been re-published here with permission.
This article is the second in a series of articles from fact-checking platforms in the Balkans. Through this series, fact-checkers from Kosovo, Albania, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and North Macedonia elaborate on common trends in disinformation and malinformation.
STRUGGLING FOR THE TRUTH IN THE BALKANS
November 22, 2022
‘Angry women are on the streets for the 5th time, and we won’t stop!’ That’s just one of the messages from the series of protests, the latest on November 1st in Belgrade, organised by different feminist groups joined under the name ‘Women’s Solidarity’. They have been protesting in front of the office of the Serbian tabloid newspaper Informer demanding respect for the basic norms of professional journalism.
Protests were triggered after Informer publicised an hour-long interview with a serial rapist and criminal, who was recently released from prison, titled ‘The first time I raped I was 10′. The interview, published at the end of September, contained gruesome details about his crimes. It was not contextualised or accompanied by comments from psychologists or any other experts, and the journalist did not challenge his interlocutor.
Feminist groups filed a complaint to the Press Council claiming that this type of reporting is contrary to the public interest and that it is ‘contributing to relativisation and promotion of the crimes’, and as such to intimidation and humiliation of women, especially those who were his victims. Based on the complaint, the Press Council issued the non-obligatory recommendation, stating that this kind of reporting is ‘pure sensationalism’ and as such does not contribute to the public, but is rather ‘directed to people’s emotions, which represents an abuse of the power of media’. It concluded the Informer violated the media code.
Informer has rejected the criticism, stating that the interview was intended ‘to protect women,’ and that the journalist’s standards of representing both sides of the story were respected. The support for Informer, a tabloid partially funded from public funds, came from the Serbian president Aleksandar Vučić who described protesters as ‘hypocritical’.
As the public pressure continued, the rapist was rearrested, and Informer handed the recording material to the prosecution. But, the interview remains visible on their website, gaining huge viewership.
Giving space to people who were sentenced for different types of crimes, from rape, domestic violence, organised crimes, or even war crimes, without context or to be challenged by journalists, is nothing new in the Balkan media. In the same manner, the media give space to people whose expertise has little relevance to the public, especially when it comes to issues related to minority rights, human rights in general, domestic violence, or even covid pandemic. In this way, the issues of migration in the eyes of the public become exclusively security issues, clergy discusses LGBTQ, abortion or women’s rights, and politicians comment on court decisions.
Discriminating minorities
Looking at how the media in the region report on the Roma population is one of the illustrative examples. The group is often portrayed as less educated and generally problematic, while reports about discrimination or positive stories – except on World Roma Day – are hard to find, an analysis on Reporting Diversity Network 2.0 points out. Even when positive stories are reported, the media often present them as exceptions in a generally problematic community. At the same time, voices of people from the community are almost non-existent in the mainstream media, including publicly funded media.
Another marginalised and misrepresented group is the LGBTQ community, which comes into focus before every Pride. The event is often represented as the ‘parade of sexuality’, rather than a protest against discrimination and for basic rights.
Media reporting about Pride across the region is often about it being a high-security risk event, which contributes to spreading prejudices and fear in the public. The media open the space for politicians and clergy to talk about their attitudes toward the Pride and the LGBTQ in general.
In October this year, before the Pride in Montenegro, several media in the region gave space to the statement of a priest from Montenegro who said that homosexuality is not natural and called Pride participants ‘a column of citizens who demand that some future, unborn people, without their consent, be left without a mother,’ and Pride as ‘disturbed value system’ which is about ‘perverted values’ and ‘a mockery of religion’. Before Euro Pride in Belgrade in August, a public broadcaster in Serbia included in its coverage virologist Milanko Šekler who stated that the event could become a potential source of spreading the Monkeypox virus’.
Migrants are another group often misrepresented in the media leading to criminalisation and discrimination, with security often one of the main issues raised. A recent study from Croatia shows the most popular topic in reporting on migration in the country is security. It’s mentioned in 33.87 per cent of all articles.
Relativisation of crimes
Reporting about domestic violence or the murder of women by their partners or family members, for the media in the Balkans is often a sensationalist topic. The term ‘femicide’ is rarely used, while psychologists, social workers, and feminists have less space than mostly male police officers or representatives of institutions.
For the Bosnian media, a recent case of femicide was when a man strangled his wife with an electric cable and days later his body was found hanging in the forest near the city. This was described as a crime of passion. The crime and media reports provoked a wave of protests with messages including ‘femicide is not a crime out of passion but a murder’. Again, the media covered the protests, reporting about the number of people who gathered and talked to those who participated, but with little to no analysis of the situation to show that the number of cases of domestic violence and femicide is on the rise in the country. The public did not hear anything about the measures authorities and relevant institutions are taking to fight the problem, or about the treatment of victims of domestic violence.
Abortion is another topic often represented in a way that misinforms the public. One example is from the public broadcaster in Montenegro which produced a show titled ‘Abortion – from the constitutional right to taboo’ that included a representative of the church as its guest in the studio . Again, the journalists did not challenge his views, but the public reacted with protests.
Finally, the way that the Balkan media covered the COVID-19 pandemic and vaccination programme played a role in spreading anti-vaxxer attitudes and conspiracy theories in the region due to the people they chose to interview. The region remains one of the parts of the world with the lowest vaccination rate, including Bosnia with less than 30 per cent of vaccinated people. Instead of virologists and experts in the field, the media gave space to self-proclaimed experts or famous people who freely expressed their controversial attitudes on COVID-19 and vaccines.
Many fact-checking organisations in the region often draw attention to this type of reporting, pointing to misrepresentations, false information, and a general lack of professional journalism. However, their reach is much smaller than that of the mainstream media or tabloids. Existing press councils issue warnings, but they are not obligatory in any of the countries.
The general lack of balanced discussion in the media in the Balkans deprives the public of accurate information and damages professional journalism. Civil society actors are using social networks to send different messages and fight disinformation, but their reach is limited and often includes people who are already aware of the issues. Yet, these voices are important in the struggle for truthful information and a just society.
Author: Nidžara Ahmetašević
Photo: GoodStudio/ Shutterstock
DISINFIRMATION EVERYWHERE
November 22, 2022
FROM UKRAINE AND THE NORTH OF KOSOVO TO INFLATION AND VISA LIBERALIZATION
It’s become clear throughout 2022 that malinformation and disinformation are not a declining phenomena. Information disorder is spreading and changing its shape by adopting new digital tools, applications and platforms.
Disinformation and malinformation about Covid-19 prevailed in 2020 and 2021. This year, the spread of malinformation continues, but now in the sphere of global security.
In contrast to Covid-19 disinformation, whose sources and purposes were widespread and largely unknown, disinformation about security had a common source — state propaganda. When Russia invaded Ukraine in February of this year, a coordinated campaign to create and distribute disinformation through state propaganda became increasingly evident.
Disinformation about the Russian invasion was prominent in the digital space worldwide, including in the Albanian language media landscape.
In addition to the events in Ukraine, the media landscape in Kosovo was permeated with disinformation about other topics, such as the tensions in the north of Kosovo, the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue and inflation.
The impact of developments in Ukraine
The war in Ukraine changed the course of global geopolitics as well as the interests of global audiences. Almost every other global development has been related to this war, from the fear of beginning a third world war to the increasing prices of local production. We saw this reflected during our daily work on the fact-checking platform, hibrid.info, which I lead.
The International Fact-Checking Network has created a global database of fact-checking information about the malinformation related to Ukraine. As a member of hibrid.info, I used the collected data to draft the first report at that time about the disinformation and malinformation that was being created and distributed in the media, especially in the Albanian language.
While dealing with this content, researchers identified a tendency of the creators and distributors to compare the events in Ukraine with those in the Balkans, especially in Kosovo.
According to the findings, except for the initial first few days of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, pro-Russian and pro-Ukrainian disinformation were consolidated and had a relatively equal spread during the first month. The pro-Russian propaganda mainly consisted of insulting labels against the Ukrainian government, calling them “Nazis” and accusing them of violence against members of the Russian community in Ukraine. The Ukrainian state institutions also spread propaganda on social media, publishing unverified reports about the successes of the Ukrainian army on the war front.
Russian propaganda nurtured another narrative during this time. There were efforts by Russia’s political and institutional leaders, including President Vladimir Putin himself, to put the initial invasion of the separatist regions of Donetsk and Luhansk in Ukraine into the same context as the NATO intervention of Kosovo in 1999. This comparison does not make sense since the NATO intervention in Kosovo happened to stop ethnic cleansing.
Internal security
Malinformation and disinformation in the area of internal security started with the parallels drawn between the events in Ukraine and those in the Balkans and Kosovo. This continued in the second half of the year with topics about the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue. There were incidents in Serb-majority parts of Kosovo and this culminated in recent events related to the Kosovo government’s decision to enforce reciprocity measures with Serbia regarding freedom of movement.
Institutional and political representatives in Serbia used these sensitive events to spread disinformation through the construction of politicized narratives.
On August 1, 2022, Kosovo was set to begin enforcing the rule forbidding Serbian-issued license plates for cars based in Kosovo. In the lead-up to the implementation of these measures, there were tensions in the north. On July 31, a day before the decision was supposed to go into force, groups of Serbs blockaded the roads leading to the local border crossings between Kosovo and Serbia. During this period there was a significant spread of malinformation.
This situation escalated as a result of disinformation, which mainly spread from media outlets and certain groups on Russian and Serbian social networks. Despite warnings made by Kosovo’s institutions to be cautious about receiving information from dubious sources, these channels spread disinformation with content posted and distributed on social media.
The disinformation narrative that seemed to be coordinated between Serbian state institutions and media outlets close to the Serbian government was followed by several other fabricated news stories. News articles published during the months of August and September falsely claimed that institutions in Prishtina coordinated the expulsion of local Serbs from their settlements in Kosovo. The basis of these claims were press releases from the Office for Kosovo and Metohija, the Belgrade-based Serbian government body that deals with Kosovo.
Disinformation will not disappear
Whether 2022 will represent the peak or just the early days of disinformation is unknown, but what is clear is that events will continue to occur, locally and globally, which will continue to inspire the creation of inaccurate content.
The issue of visa liberalization is often at the center of public discourse, but also speculation. Political developments and high level EU meetings during the months of June and October caused many Kosovar media outlets to report on the possibilities of visa liberalization. Suspicious portals, creators and other distributors, published articles and posts that falsely claimed positive developments in this direction. Others used old statements from European officials and institutional representatives in Kosovo on the topic of visa liberalization, attempting to present them as new developments.
The increasing prices of basic products was also an issue that was employed by spreaders of malinformation, who falsely claimed an increase in the prices of products such as bread, oil and milk. They republished previous decisions made by Kosovo’s institutions to provide aid for different social groups and then presented this as breaking news.
News about energy shortages and rising electricity prices, largely determined by the course of events in Ukraine, will continue to inspire malinformers.
This shows us that disinformation and malinformation are here to stay. This phenomenon is expanding to include almost every area of life that is of vital interest to people. While fact-checkers battle this phenomenon on a daily basis, one thing is known — information disorder won’t go away, we have to learn to live with it.
Author: Shkëlzen Osmani
Photo: Majlinda Hoxha / K2.0.
This image was created in part with GPT-3, OpenAI’s large-scale language-generation model.
This article was originally produced for and published by Kosovo 2.0. It has been re-published here with permission.
This article is the first in a series of articles from fact-checking platforms in the Balkans. Through this series, fact-checkers from Kosovo, Albania, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and North Macedonia elaborate on common trends in disinformation and malinformation.
Monthly monitoring highlight: Sexism and homophoia across the Balkans
November 10, 2022
Throughout the month of October, the RDN monitoring team has detected a range of hateful narratives and discourse. This month there has been a rise in sexism, misogyny and homophobia, alongside hate speech against political opponents.
Sexism in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Serbia and Albania
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, a private user on Facebook spread extremely sexist and victim-blaming narratives in reaction to the news of a recent femicide which took place in Bihać, where a husband killed his wife. The comment posted on Facebook, included remarks made about the physical appearance and behaviour of women who smoke, drink and wear artificial nails, in an attempt to justify and explain acts of violence against women. The comment read ‘what do you have to do every weekend in a disco or a café, but to look for those things. First, you separate the husband from the parents, brother, sister, you screw up the whole family. Then you take him to a rented apartment and make a cobbler out of him…in Bihać, surely every third one is a wh***’.
Comments and ideas like these are not only disrespectful towards victims of gender-based violence, but also extremely dangerous and run the risk of spreading narratives which justify violence against women and femicide on the grounds of the behaviour and physical appearances of women. The fact remains that nothing justifies any forms of violence against women, on any grounds. Sexual harassment and femicide holds no justification and can never be excused, while media should strengthen their role in preventing such narratives to be spread, be it in the media content or comments section.
Mrika Nikqi, a well-known mountaineer from Kosovo, recently published a video on her Facebook account as proof of the sexual assault she fell victim to. In reaction to this, the president of the Fjala party, Gezim Kelmendi made a post on his own profile in an extremely distasteful and problematic manner. Kelmendi tried to justify and share his opinion regarding the motives behind sexual attacks and violence towards women as one which can be pinned down to the broadcasting of films – in particular, erotic scenes – as well as the tolerance towards the LGBTQ+ community which is taught in schools. He went on to criticise the Prime Minister and the President of Kosovo for working on the adoption of a civil code in which one of the points concerns the coexistence of individuals of the same sex. Amongst all of this, he also highlighted that whilst all these introductions to the education system and society continue, the wearing of the headscarf in schools continues to not be permitted.
This post spreads intolerance on multiple layers and goes as far as to relativize gender-based violence. Spreading narratives which aim to justify violence and place blame on both individuals and topics within society, hold no tangible place within the topic of sexual violence. No social matter or policy can validate sexual violence towards women. By posting such opinions on social media, an individual of political importance with a large platform, like Kelmendi, runs the risk of strengthening existing prejudices amongst the public, which is extremely harmful in a society where gender-based violence is no rarity.
In Serbia, there have been several sexist commercials which have emerged over the past month, promoting harmful stereotypes and gender roles. One of these includes the well-known non-governmental organisation, WWF Adria which launched an offensive campaign consisting of three photos posted on Instagram and one on Facebook. The posts itself included no explanation but could be deduced is the campaign seemed to be targeting the protection of wildlife. However, the campaign photos itself insinuated extremely harmful gendered stereotypes including the use of degrading imagery and sexualising language. The captions included “I would rather catch foreign than domestic fish” including images of women representing the idea of a ‘domestic fish’. Similarly, a sexist campaign was launched by a Serbian Rakija company known as Šamar – translating to ‘slap’ – posting a photo on Facebook of a women putting on lipstick, captioned “tonight only Šamar (a slap) takes off the lipstick” – implying violence against women. Shortly after, the company changed their post and corrected the caption to “only a glass of Šamar rakija removes the lipstick”.
Along these two campaigns, was the dairy company in Serbia known as Imlek, which published a commercial for their Moja kravica yogurt on both Facebook and Instagram captioned “What happens when dad takes over mom’s role?”. The post included three photos, the first captioned “What does dad turn into when mom’s not home?”, the second one showing a dad with two children looking at a laptop and drinking Moja kravica yogurt captioned with “He turns into the person who is there to make breakfast, but also arrives at his Zoom meeting on time.” This commercial sends several harmful messages: that there is a ‘moms’ role’ and a ‘dads’ role’, implying that the mum should be the one to make breakfast for the family with her designated place being in the kitchen. The post is equally offensive to fathers, implying that they are not equal parents to their children when the mother is present.
This series of campaigns which rely on sexism in the promotion of the brand or a cause only further contributes to the spread of gendered norms and sexist narratives within society, while they could use their position and corporative responsibility exactly to challenge these issues.
Out of defence and solidarity, feminist organisation BeFem condemned these commercials through social media posts and all three companies faced public backlash and removed the commercials from their profiles. WWF Adria posted an apology and a replacement campaign, however, Šamar rakija and Moja kravica did not apologise to women or their customers.
In Albania, a mass murder occurred in the town Klos in mid-October, where a male murdered the alleged boyfriend of his daughter (and his father) and wounded her other alleged lover, after finding out that they were playing her and harassing her online. Following his crimes, the perpetrator killed himself. As usual, the media coverage of the situation focused on the young woman rather than the perpetrator of the crime. The media placed focus on the 17-year-old girl and her role in the murders, with headlines portraying the girl as one “for whom the murders were committed”. Equally, the comment sections were full of hateful and denigrating comments against the girl; a classic example of victim-blaming instigated by the media that provides a platform for such narratives to be spread. One of the comments under the headline read “how many more will be killed for this girl?”. This comment is extremely harmful and disrespectful to the girl who is being attacked and held accountable for the actions of other individuals.
The media, by focusing on the the 17-year-old girl and her position within the story, glazes over the important and relevant facts of the crime, and provides a platform for the spread of victim-blaming and sexist narratives. The media holds responsibility for the information they publish and share to the public, and by publishing headlines like these will result in victim-blaming narratives and denigrating language, and provide the space for hate to be spread, but furthermore shadow down the actual issue at hand, which is violence. This example exposes how media sensationalistic practices enable the spread of problematic comments, which they should be held accountable for. In reality, the media rarely bear consequences for the comments section.
Homophobia in Montenegro
This month, Montenegro hosted Pride on the 8th of October, resulting in a rise in homophobia and hate speech predominantly amongst important religious figures. A day before Pride was set to take place, the Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Bishop Joanikije, announced a “prayer for the sanctity of marriage and the preservation of the family”. This announcement was made alongside the belief that events such as Pride, according to him, are forms of manifestations that “destroy God-blessed marriage and family and traditional values”; ones which are the result of the “aggressive, violent, imposition of new, perverted value systems with the help of money and power”. Furthermore, Joanikije claimed that society has become witness to the devaluation of the meaning of love as a result of the times we live in, which is characterised by “instinctive totalitarianism, where sin, selfishness, self-love, and personal inclinations of individuals are set as a measure of love, truth, and freedom.” The Metropolitan Joanikije condemned all those taking part in Pride and promoting such values by quoting “Let’s condemn the public preaching of immorality, protect the family and children”.
The call for prayer by Joanikije was picked up by several online portals. By referring to LGBTQ+ rights and Pride as ‘perverted value systems’ this is extremely harmful and hateful. Individuals from all walks of life should be treated equally, and there should be no segregation or hate directed towards those of different sexual orientations, particularly when coming from such highly ranked individuals.
Hate speech against political opponents in North Macedonia
In a recent video found on Facebook, Bulgarian member of European Parliament Angel Dzambaski called out and undermined the Macedonian nationality, by calling them ‘Srbomani’ translating to ‘Serbian lovers’. He then went on to call Macedonism a ‘fascist and nazi ideology’ – an extremely derogatory and insulting label to name those who identify themselves as Macedonians. Not to mention, belonging to an ethnic group cannot be labelled as an ideology. Alongside this, Dzambaski insulted the Macedonian Prime Minister Dimitar Kovacevski, claiming that his name is a Bulgarian one. These comments were all made in reaction to a statement by Kovacevski in which he claimed that he did not know of Dzambaski and who he was.
Opposition between North Macedonia and Bulgaria have been rising and growing following the recent openings of the Bulgarian clubs in North Macedonia which celebrate historical figures. Moreover, tensions continue to rise as a reaction to Bulgaria’s veto towards EU accession of North Macedonia due to unresolved historical issues. Despite this, spreading hateful narratives within the political environment as a result of historical and present tensions does not justify such rhetoric. Undermining and insulting the Macedonian national identity by individuals of political importance can only further contribute to the existing tensions between two nations.
MIGRANTS BLAMED FOR THE UK GOVERNMENT FAILURES
November 10, 2022
Reports earlier this week from a migrant processing centre in Kent, near the English Channel painted a heart-breaking picture
Reports earlier this week from a migrant processing centre in Kent, near the English Channel painted a heart-breaking picture: the centre at Manston, meant to house up to 1600 people, accommodated as many as for 4000 people, including families and unaccompanied children. The facility, a former RAF base, with its basic conditions, was intended for a 24 hour stay. After that, migrants should be moved to a more suitable accommodation, including in hotels, while their papers are being processed. This is the UK law. However, it emerged that the Home Secretary Suella Braverman refused to provide funds for alternative accommodation, despite advice that it would be against the law. The Home Secretary denies deliberately ignoring that advice.
The overcrowded facility was housing migrants who cross the English Channel on small boats, mostly planning to claim asylum in the UK. Setting aside the dispute around unsuitable accommodation, it is clear that the Home Office is taking too long to process asylum applications. So long, in fact, that to date only 4 per cent of last year’s applications have been processed – and none from this year. At this rate, the UK is unlikely to catch up with the growing number of arrivals crossing the channel.
Chaos at the Home Office prompted the Home Affairs select committee to declare it “by far the worst-performing department in Whitehall”. All journalists used the document of oral evidence to get their information on the channel crossings, however, some twisted it to spread xenophobia, rather than to analyse the facts.
Kelvin McKenzie, a former editor of The Sun, was one of the first commentators to post a thread of hateful tweets based on the information from the hearing. He took aim at Albanian migrants.
Why Albanians? It has emerged that in recent months a large proportion of people crossing the Channel in small boats were Albanians. It was also said that the proportion of Albanians among the new arrivals is going down slowly, and that proportions of different ethnic groups change from month to month. However, this did not stop Mr McKenzie from declaring the arrival of an estimated 12 thousand Albanians “an invasion”. This hateful term was later repeated by the Home Secretary Suella Braverman in parliament.
In response, Albanian Prime minister Edi Rama condemned Braverman’s hateful language. Focussing on Albanians, numerous commentators condemned them as illegal migrants and conflated their migration with organised crime. Robert Peston, ITV news political editor, tweeted on the story:
“There is a particular problem with Albanian men crossing the Channel illegally to find work for around 9 months or to work in crime, such as county lines drugs trade. According to Home Office, up to 2% of Albanian men have come to UK illegally or contemplate doing so.”
Allison Pearson of The Telegraph similarly conflates criminality and Albanian migrants in her xenophobic comment:
“Now the focus has switched to Suella Braverman’s “language”. What about the actual fact that 10,000 Albanian men, aged 20 to 40, have landed on the Kent coast in the past few months? Albanian drug gangs run the UK’s cocaine trade. This is frightening.”
It is true that everyone crossing the channel on a small boat enters the UK illegally. But is it a crime to cross the UK border without a visa if you are claiming political asylum? Robin Lustig, a former BBC journalist, insists that asylum seekers crossing the Channel without valid visas are not breaking the law. His categorical statement triggered a furious discussion on twitter.
Here, both sides have a point. There are few options for an asylum seeker to enter the UK legally. For this reason, the Home Office does not prosecute them for turning up without a visa if they have a valid case and apply for asylum straight away.
However, this debate is not relevant to the vast majority of Albanian arrivals. They are mostly young men looking for work. They are not interested in claiming asylum. When they do, they are usually rejected, and many do not even see their application through. Instead, they try to get away from migrant detention centres and further into the country in search of work. This is illegal behaviour, but it does not mean that these men come to the UK to join criminal gangs. If the UK economy needs Albanian workers, working visas for a few months would be a more efficient, legal solution, and a way to bring down the number of asylum seekers.

Blaming migrants for chaos at the reception centres, conflating asylum seekers with temporary migrants and all migrants with criminal gangs diverts attention from the failings of the UK Home Office and spreads xenophobia. Taken to its extreme, it questions anyone’s right to asylum, as is evident from the following heated exchange on TalkTV between migration policy expert Zoe Gardner and Julia Heartly-Brewer.
In the exchange above, and elsewhere, journalists are quoting the figure of 1-2 per cent of Albanian male population going to the UK. This figure comes from the Home Affairs Select Committee hearing, stating that around 10 thousand male Albanians, which represents between one and two per cent of Albania’s male population, have come to the UK over the past year. Most stay six months to a year, work illegally, send money to their families, then go home. They do not settle in the UK.
This fact did not stop a former UK politician Nigel Farage from calling Albanian temporary migrants a “flood” and to linking it to the UK population growth. The UK population has grown by 8 million since 2002, yet temporary migration is not part of it. Farage’s false claim conflating population growth with temporary migration went unchallenged on BBC Radio4.
Another glaring example of fearmongering through bogus numbers came from Allison Pearson of The Daily Telegraph, when she tweeted:
Just fyi @BBCMarkEaston It’s crystal clear the UK accepts way more asylum applications than comparable countries. Not what you implied, is it? Tell your viewers@BBCNews
Here Pearson confuses percentages of asylum applications approved with absolute numbers – an embarrassing mistake for any adult educated beyond primary school. Numerous commentators pointed out where she went wrong, yet she did not remove her tweet.
Here’s one sobering statistic worth taking away: the UK has a backlog of over a hundred thousand people waiting for a decision on asylum. The UK taxpayer is paying for this backlog. In the past, the country was able to cope with much higher numbers of asylum applications.
But post-Brexit arrangements, or lack of them, have slowed down the processing of asylum claims.
No “invasion”, then, just a self-inflicted problem for the UK government.
Author: Dina Newman
Photo: Andrew Chisholm/ Shutterstock
This article was first published at MDI website, and it has been republished here with permision.
THIS IS NOT JOURNALISM
November 10, 2022
TURNING VIOLENCE INTO A MEDIA SPECTACLE DOES NOT SERVE THE PUBLIC INTEREST.
A video of a nurse abusing an elderly woman was shared on social media and became the news of the day on Wednesday, November 2. The video, which was first published on Facebook, was shared everywhere within minutes.
Photos with the face of the victim and the nurses involved went viral on Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, websites and television screens in Kosovo and elsewhere. Few media outlets took the trouble to obscure the face of the victim, which resulted in the quick identification of both the victim and the nurses that were the perpetrators. Names, photographs and other information about them were soon made public.
After a few hours, Kosovo Police announced that they had arrested the nurses. The media was flooded with comments and public attention about the case. While it seemed everyone everywhere was commenting and judging the event, either in private conversations or in comment sections, some media outlets rushed to get “exclusive” news from where the incident took place.
With the camera focused on the victim’s tearful face — images most likely taken without her consent — several reporters followed family members as they escorted the victim out of the residence. In addition to these images, social networks and television programs broadcast the name of the victim, information about her family, especially her deceased son and other information about her life.
In less than 12 hours, with our consent or not, we learned details of her life that were nobody’s business, in a media flurry that sensationalized the victim’s abuse and suffering.
In attempting to emphasize how serious the incident was, the coverage in Kosovo highlighted something else: many media outlets and journalists have no idea where the role of the media ends and when reporting no longer serves the public interest, turning it into a spectacle to boost readership or viewership numbers.
The non-stop publication of images of the victim placed a vulnerable individual in the center of a public trial, inviting everyone and giving them the right to comment and judge.
“In the name of journalism”
The victim’s illness or her martyred son were mentioned in order to give the event emotional pathos and to aggravate the “tragedy” that happened to her. This not only ignores the basic standards by which the media should operate, but also risks relativizing the experience of the victim and the crime committed against her. Physical and mental abuse against anyone is a criminal offense and is a sensitive enough topic, even without revealing other details that aggravate the circumstances. Reporting should end here.
The victim does not become more of a victim because she is someone’s mother or because the cameras show her tearful face after the incident or that of her family members as they experience the weight of the incident. Revealing details that violate an individual’s privacy are simply invitations for public judgment and distract attention from the aspects that really matter. Violence is not a TV show.
This incident should have brought up other issues for journalists — issues that would serve the public interest. For example, this incident could initiate journalistic research on how the elderly are neglected and abused in our country or how they are portrayed as useless members of society. Does the government provide safety for them? How are care homes licensed? And how does this all relate to ageism — discrimination and prejudice against people because of their age? Instead, it served as an opportunity for some to attract viewership.
Basic journalistic standards protect victims. These standards require that when the public interest is pursued, as little as possible should be revealed about the victims involved. Identity and privacy must be protected because, as unbelievable as it may sound to some of our media outlets, the lives of the victims and their families continue even after the brief media spectacle finishes.
But above all, the standards for professional coverage of events by the media are crystal clear — judgments, opinions and sensationalism do not belong in journalism. Journalists are also not supposed to share moralizing or prejudicial sentiments towards an event and the people involved in it should not become central to the reporting on such cases.
It is a journalists’ duty to know how to do their job better than this, as it is the obligation and professional responsibility of each journalist and media outlet.
These basic standards are in the Code of Ethics of the Press Council of Kosovo (PCK), an organization that almost all of the media outlets are members of, and yet still exploited the victim and the incident. These standards are also part of the Independent Media Commission (IMC), which supervises audio-visual media for potential ethical violations. Regardless of the PCK or IPC, these standards should be understood by everyone who decides to become a journalist.
It’s not just old, outdated rules that only journalists in dusty newsrooms in the last century had to respect. They are not standards that we can violate because we want to be the first and to follow trends laid out by other media outlets. Nor are they standards that should remain in imaginary editorial policies because if you follow them, nobody will read you. These standards are essential because by respecting them, we protect the people we work for.
If each of the journalists who turned yesterday’s event into a spectacle and re-victimized the abused woman would have considered these guidelines and were committed to respecting these standards, they would never have allowed the victim and her family to be turned into the protagonists of a spectacle that has no place in the media.
Some media outlets hinted that they had no ethical qualms about the interviews with family since they willingly agreed to be interviewed. However, it is precisely the duty of journalists and editors to evaluate the situation more objectively than the family members. They have a duty to know when an interview is ethically permissible, necessary and does not cause further harm. When doing the interview, they should know which questions to ask and which not to. Breaching these rules is never justified regardless of the event. Not everyone understands that life continues beyond the media spectacle.
The way this event was covered by the media goes beyond the discussion of journalistic standards. The way the media reports influences the shaping and orientation of public discussion. What we saw the other day is that the media made everyone feel that they have the right to judge and comment on a family’s personal decisions and decide whose suffering is more valuable.
Although this is not the first time that such sensitive events are exploited in the media, the way this event was covered risks setting a new standard in our media space and what the public can expect. Since yesterday, for journalists, everything is allowed. They can enter your private life and even report if someone wears diapers at night, all for the sake of “journalism.” But this is not journalism.
Author: Gentiana Paçarizi
Gentiana Paçarizi is managing editor at K2.0. She has completed a master’s degree in Journalism and Public Relations at the University of Prishtina ‘Hasan Prishtina’.
Photo: Alexandr Rozov/ Shutterstock
This article was originally produced for and published by Kosovo 2.0. It has been re-published here with permission.
TROLL OF THE MONTH: Daily Informer
November 2, 2022
The Balkan Troll of the Month is an individual, a group of individuals or a media outlet that spreads hate based on gender, ethnicity, religion, or other diversity categories. The Balkan Troll is selected based on hate speech incidents identified across the Western Balkans region.
The October Troll of the Month is Informer.rs, a popular tabloid in Serbia that published an interview with a serial rapist, violating several points of the Ethical Code of Journalists.
Informer.rs recently faced widespread public backlash, condemning the interview with Igor Milošević, a serial rapist who was released from prison in September. Milošević was given a large platform to speak for almost an hour. This interview was both promoted and shared on the Informer’s social media platforms such as Instagram and was framed as ‘mega exclusive’ content. The interview video was also uploaded on YouTube and despite being condemned by the Press Council, it still remains public.
According to the statement of the Press Council the interview violated several points of the Code of Journalists of Serbia: it humiliated victims of sexual harassment and assault and those who had fallen victims to Igor Milošević himself, and caused distress and harm not just to the sexual assault victims but to the public as well. Part six of the Ethical Code of Journalists of Serbia, tackles the relation to sources of information under which the eight point draws our attention to the obligation of journalists to ‘not unjustly create fear among people or instil false hopes’. Having in mind that the rapist was set free prior to the publication of this interview, it is expected that such content would instil both fear and insecurity amongst the public, but this was nonetheless, ignored.
The interview was received with strong criticism and negative sentiments amongst the public. There was an extremely widespread and loud reaction and backlash from the public who were disturbed, angry and shocked by the fact that it was taking place. This took form in a number of online and offline reactions, most predominantly a large protest which took place in front of the Informer’s editorial office. The protest was calling for both the resignation of the editor in chief as well as for accountability for their actions. The protests continued for a consecutive three weekends in a row as a display of anger by members of society.
As a result of the large public outcry, the Press Council of Serbia condemned the interview alongside a number of women’s associations who protested several times. As public pressure increased and grew over time, the Informer handed over all their recorded material to the Public Prosecutor’s Office, who reacted by re-arresting Igor Milošević on the basis of public protection. However, the video continues to be present online and has had a huge reach including over 500,000 people who have viewed the interview on Informer’s YouTube channel. The Informer has not removed the content or made any public apologies as to the commotion and distress they caused to both their readers, victims of assault and the general public.
On the contrary, the editorial office of the Informer announced that ‘ [the] Informer definitely proved that the real motive for publishing the interview was the protection of women’. It is clear from the publication of the interview alongside the lack of responsibility by the Informer, that there was little to no consideration as to the effects and consequences of releasing content as such. Moreover, there is no attention paid to the possible repercussions towards both the mental and physical safety of individuals and those who have fallen victim to sexual violence who may have been both triggered and emotionally distressed.
The Informer’s Editor in Chief defended the interview by saying that it is journalism and compared the interview to those done by some large media outlets such as BBC (referring to the BBC’s interview with one of the rapist in India who raped and killed a young girl). Although some would dispute the justification behind any interview with the rapist, there are several key differences between those done by Informer and the other done by BBC. The BBC interviewed the rapist in prison waiting for the death penalty, not the one just set free; the interview looks at the larger context and broader social issue that led to the event; and finally rapist was just one of the interviewees that BBC featured in the documentary giving him just couple of minutes. The differences show the obvious lack of professional approach and pursue for sensationalism rather than the public interest as Informer claims.
Reporting Diversity Network 2.0 continues to emphasise the importance of adhering to the Ethical Code of Journalists and abiding by professional journalistic practices. Indeed, there is nothing ‘exclusive’ about women’s fear. No individual in society should ever be exposed to any forms of threat, humiliation, or distress, be it emotional or physical. The Informer should be held accountable for their actions and publicly apologise to the citizens of Serbia and all those who were harmed by the published interview.
MEDIA LANDSCAPE FILLED WITH PREJUDICE: Portrayal of Roma people in Serbian media
October 20, 2022
Roma people are usually only given space in the media when it is either World Roma Day or through media coverage of government support programmes for the Roma community. Even then, the reporting remains purely factual, without a deeper analysis and a critical view on the position of the Roma in Serbia.
Media reports fail to draw attention to the discrimination against Roma people in Serbian society, although their reality is filled with prejudice, discrimination, but also physical and racist attacks.
Additionally, when reporting on the Roma, there is very little space for positive stories, even on the public broadcasting service, which is financed by all citizens of Serbia, thus including Roma people.
“When we talk about reporting on the Roma population, it is inevitable to mention that reporters are insufficiently informed about the current position of the Roma. Also, when Roma people participate in “positive stories”, that is, when they participate in joint programs and when they fight together with the citizens of Serbia for a better society, the media does not recognise that the participants are Roma. However, when a negative story is conveyed, for example a theft, then, even though that information is not relevant, it is emphasized that the perpetrator is Roma. “This creates prejudice”, says Mihajlo Jovanović, an activist from the Roma Association of Braničevo district and the author of the Youth for Youth podcast.
The media plays a role in creating the image that shapes public opinion. However, media workers are also citizens who live in a certain society and therefore adopt the dominant narrative of that society. Mainstream media reporters rarely question their standpoints, and therefore run the risk of reproducing deeply ingrained stereotypes. When we report on marginalized groups (in this case the Roma), we must be aware of their position in society, the prejudice, and the stereotypes that exist in society, but also in our attitudes. “Roma are good musicians” is also a stereotype about the Roma community. Although it is not negative and does not directly cause harm, it nevertheless creates generalization of all members of one group. Generalisation of any kind contributes to building negative attitudes towards the whole group based on individual examples. In this way, when media, for example, report on theft and mention that the perpetrator is Roma, we get a generalised, negative attitude about all representatives of that community. This is precisely why the Code of Journalistic Ethics forbids mentioning the ethnicity of perpetuators unless it is essential to the story. However, the Code is violated on a daily basis.
Due to ignorance and deeply ingrained stereotypes, journalists can create a negative image when reporting, even when their intention is good. Exactly for that reason, it is important to create space for genuine Roma voices, but not just to speak about issues related to the Roma community but also on different topics relevant for all citizens of the society we live in.
Jovanović pointed out that young Roma men and women are working towards a more inclusive society, breaking down walls of misunderstanding, as well as informing citizens about the position of the Roma through the regional conferences Decade of Roma Inclusion,
In the media, there is almost no critical analysis of the government support programs for the Roma community, and the reporting is initiated by pseudo-events that promote state policy on the Roma and government support for the Roma community.
The media has a long way to go to replace factual reporting with a critical analysis of the position of the Roma community in society, the effectiveness of the implementation of the state’s minority inclusion policies, as well as issues of discrimination and racism. There are examples of good practice, but it is time for the mainstream media, more generally, to become more inclusive and provide a platform for those who have been silent for too long.
Author: Ivana Jovanović
Photo: Jorm S / Shutterstock
Article originaly published at mladi.org.rs