Monthly Highlights October: ethnic hatred, sensationalism, unprofessional reporting, sexism, and political motivations

During October, the RDN monitoring team identified a range of hateful narratives and discourse driven by ethnic hatred, sensationalism, unprofessional reporting, sexism, and political motivations.

Ethnic hatred and violence in Montenegro 

Between 25 and 28 October 2025, a series of violent and xenophobic incidents unfolded in Montenegro following an attack in Podgorica’s Zabjelo neighborhood.

Late on 25 October, 25-year-old Montenegrin M.J. was attacked allegedly by Turkish citizens outside kafana Komanka in Zabjelo. The attack, captured on camera, triggered widespread outrage after being shared on social media. 

Following this, on 26 October, groups of citizens gathered in Zabjelo, chanting anti-Turkish slogans (“Turks out,” “Kill the Turk”) and attacking a vehicle with Turkish license plates. Three Turkish nationals sought refuge in a nearby casino before being detained by police. Simultaneously, Prime Minister Milojko Spajić announced the temporary suspension of Montenegro’s visa-free regime for Turkish citizens.

The police proceeded to arrest one Turkish and one Azerbaijani citizen suspected of the attack and began checking the legal status of dozens of Turkish and Azerbaijani residents. 

As online hate spread, fuelled by some media outlets, by 28 October, the police had detained eight individuals for violence and incitement of national and religious hatred. That same day, attacks on property intensified with a Turkish-owned venue in Podgorica being destroyed, venues in Bar damaged, and Turkish-owned vehicles and shops set on fire across several cities.

The nationalist fan group “Varvari” organised a protest in front of the Montenegrin Government building, joined by several local councillors and political figures. They shouted xenophobic slogans such as “No Turk will walk through the city,” while police did not intervene to disperse the unregistered gathering. Some politicians publicly supported the protest or further fuelled the hateful narratives, including several councillors from the Podgorica local government Goran Milić (NSD), Milivoje Brković (Ujedinjena Crna Gora), and Boban Radević (Slobodna Crna Gora). Very few called for the de-escalation of the situation.

Police Director Lazar Šćepanović later clarified that three Azerbaijanis and one Turk were involved in the initial attack, that the victim’s injuries were not life-threatening, and that prosecutors did not classify the act as attempted murder.

Subsequently, the court stated that the investigation placed the two men as having been in their accommodation during the time of the attack therefore, there is no longer reasonable suspicion they were involved in the crime. Their detention was therefore lifted due to the lack of evidence linking them to the attack.

Throughout the crisis, inflammatory media coverage, disinformation, and anti-immigrant rhetoric on social media fuelled public anger. False claims circulated about a “Turkish occupation” of Montenegro, alleged child abductions, and exaggerated numbers of Turkish residents.

The events illustrate how a single violent incident, amplified by misinformation and political opportunism, can quickly escalate into widespread hate speech, vandalism, and societal polarisation. In the end, it came to light that the two suspected individuals were, in fact, not involved in the crime, although it is important to highlight that even if they were involved in the attack, it is never a justification to use the ethnicity of a perpetrator to commit violence and hatred towards members of that same ethnic community.  The media must uphold their moral duty to disseminate factual information and put a stop to the spread of misinformation and hate online which translates into real life violence and consequences. 

Ethnic hatred and sensationalistic reporting in North Macedonia

In North Macedonia, following Albania’s football team win against Serbia in Belgrade, the Shkendija fan group “‘Ballistët,” in Tetovo gathered in the city centre chanting chauvinistic and ethnic offensive slogans. 

Videos were shared online, causing public concern. In response, Skopje1 portal reported on the “atmosphere” with the title “Gunshots in Prishtina after the victory”. Underneath the post was a wave of hateful comments made by Macedonians towards Albanians.

Furthermore, portal Телевизија 24 (Television 24) reported on the groups in the city of Tetovo that screamed offensive words on an ethnic basis. The headline read “Chauvinistic chants late last night disturbed the residents of Tetovo. The supporter group of Shkëndija, ‘Ballistët,’ celebrated the victory of Albania’s national football team against Serbia in the city centre with offensive, ethnically based messages.” 

Sensationalist reporting on such cases and unfiltered hate in the comment section only serve to fuel further division between ethnic groups while escalating tensions in an already delicate environment. The media should use their platform to dilute the pre-existing tensions rather than add further fuel to the fire. Furthermore, they should not provide the platform for ethnic hate to be directed from one group to another. 

Sexism and discrimination in Albania

On 27 October 2025, Brazilian volleyball player Nayara Ferreira, who plays for Dinamo Volley Tirana, became the centre of an intense and discriminatory controversy in Albania.

Following a request by rival teams Vllaznia and Pogradeci, the Albanian Volleyball Federation (FSHV) suspended Ferreira and demanded that she undergo a “gender verification test.”

The move was triggered based solely on unverified rumours and “corridor talk” regarding her appearance and physique, with no official evidence provided by the complaining clubs.

The suspension led Ferreira to miss two league matches, costing her valuable opportunities in her professional career, all stemming from baseless insinuations.

The case provoked widespread debate over discrimination and the absence of gender sensitivity in Albanian sports institutions with the Albanian Volleyball Federation being accused of discrimination and prejudice over its decision. Albania’s Commissioner for Protection from Discrimination, Robert Gajda, said the case was based on prejudice and the decision to suspend Ferreira was discriminatory. Ferreira in response reported the case to women’s rights organizations and the Brazilian Embassy in Tirana, calling it a “humiliation that destroyed my career and life.” 

In its official response, the FSHV framed the incident as a “sporting matter,” claiming that it had acted “with full transparency.” However, the federation failed to address the discriminatory dimension of the decision or the breach of the player’s privacy, focusing instead on procedural justifications.

Likewise, the media took no responsibility in amplifying the hateful narratives. Many online portals reproduced and amplified the hateful narratives circulating on social media, where the case fueled a wave of sexist, xenophobic, and transphobic commentary. Ferreira’s identity and dignity were publicly questioned, and her photos were shared without consent.

Some outlets even published sensationalist headlines such as: “Female or male? Photos of the Brazilian volleyball player are published…”

Rather than using their platform to call out a case of discrimination and sexism on the account of rumours, the media once again played on the sensationalistic nature of the case, to garner further reach and engagement for their audiences.

Politically motivated hate speech in Kosovo 

The local elections in Kosovo were held on October 12, with special attention focused on the municipality of South Mitrovica, which is separated from North Mitrovica (and three other municipalities). South Mitrovica is predominantly inhabited by ethnic Albanians, administered by the Republic of Kosovo’s institutions, meanwhile North Mitrovica is predominantly inhabited by ethnic Serbs and is administered by Serb-majority local institutions.

According to the Exit Poll results, a significant lead was given to the rival candidate from the Democratic Party of Kosovo. However, after the Central Election Commission counted the votes, the difference between the candidates was only symbolic. Both candidates will compete again in the second round of elections.

Berat Buzhala, founder of Media Nacionale, on his Facebook page, published two indecent photos alluding to the voting results for Faton Peci, a candidate for the mayor of the municipality of South Mitrovica, supported by Vetëvendosje. The first photo referred to the Exit Poll results, while the second one referred to the preliminary results from the Central Election Commission. A large number of citizens reacted to his posts, mostly mocking and ridiculing the candidate Faton Peci. One of the two posts also alluded to the candidate’s surname – Peci (in colloquial speech, this word is a slang term used for the male genital organ in baby boys or small children.) As a result, the post received ironic, offensive, and mocking comments.

Regardless of political stances and opinion, there is no justification for hate to be directed towards a political figure especially on social media by a prominent figure such as the founder of a media outlet. The founder of a media outlet should stand by journalistic standards of truthful, fair, and accurate reporting. Using images that mock or humiliate individuals violates a journalist’s duty to inform responsibly. Journalists and media actors should not use their platforms to spread hate or incite hostility.

Unprofessional media reporting in Bosnia and Herzegovina 

In the last week of October, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, news broke that eight people had been arrested in the Tuzla Canton on suspicion of involvement in the sexual exploitation of two 15-year-old girls. Among those detained were four officers of the Tuzla Canton Police Administration. 

Several online outlets in BiH followed their ongoing practice of violating professional principles and journalistic codes concerning the protection and dignity of minors. Portals such as Avaz, Radiosarajevo and Ekskluziva shared an interview published on the YouTube channel Defter Press, hosted by Fatmir Alispahić, a journalist who regularly posts on his Facebook page Defter Hefte. Alispahić conducted the interview in question with the grandfather of the abused girls in Tuzla.

Media outlets in BiH published the grandfather’s full name and photograph, referring to the piece as a “shocking confession” of the grandfather of the abused girls. Some even disclosed the name of the school the girls attended.

None of this serves the public interest. On the contrary, according to the Code of the Press and Online Media Council in BiH, journalists and editors are obliged to protect the identity of children involved in proceedings from which the public is excluded. Journalists and editors must not, either directly or indirectly, identify children under the age of 18 in cases where they are victims, witnesses, or defendants in criminal proceedings.

UNICEF’s Principles for Ethical Reporting on Children also emphasises to ‘not further stigmatize any child; avoid categorisation or descriptions that expose a child to retaliation — including additional physical or psychological suffering, or lifelong abuse, discrimination, or rejection by their community’.

Similarly, the association Journalists Against Violence in its Guidelines for Media Reporting on Violence Against Women highlights that ‘during ongoing legal proceedings, the identity of the survivor/victim and members of her family should not be disclosed in media reports.’

It is also important to note that violating a child’s privacy constitutes a criminal offense under Article 219a of the Criminal Code of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. 

The media should adhere to laws and regulations surrounding the reporting on criminal offenses involving minors as well as journalistic code of ethics. The media should not disclose personal information regarding minors or disclose any other information related to their private life such as the school they attend, as this could put both the victim and their family in further danger. 

Ethnic and religious hate used as a political tool in Serbia

Ahead of the November 1^st one-year commemoration for the 16 victims of the train station canopy collapse in Novi Sad, several thousand students marched from Belgrade and other cities to Novi Sad. One group of students from Novi Pazar symbolically walked 16 days for the 16 victims, crossing almost 400km on foot. Novi Pazar is one of the biggest cities in the Raška or Sandžak region, mainly populated by Bosniak Muslims.

While many professional media outlets reported extensively on their endeavour, so did some of the pro-regime media. The editor-in-chief of Informer TV, Dragan J. Vučićević, called them ‘Islamists’ and ‘zabrađeni hamasovci‘ during a live programme (roughly translated to veiled Hamas members). This is also an offensive word used in Serbian to describe women wearing hijabs.  

As the students were carrying the Serbian, Palestinian and the flag of Bosniaks (in Serbia), TV Pink falsely labelled the flag of Bosniaks as the flag of Sandžak during a news programme. The fact that students were carrying it was used to claim they were calling for the separatism of this region of Serbia.

Similar hateful narratives were found on tabloid portals. Citizens gathered to welcome students from Novi Pazar in cities and villages they walked through. In Kraljevo, they were welcomed with fireworks, which pro-regime media outlets also reported on. Portal Informer ran a headline saying “Fireworks for the blockaders from Novi Pazar, who would attribute the alleged genocide to Serbia: We are delighted”. As the last RDN report on hate speech in Serbia extensively noted, the narrative of those perceived as political opponents allegedly claiming that Serbs are a “genocidal nation”, was heavily used against students, activists and citizens participating in the protests since the protests ignited.

Pro-regime media in Serbia have yet to face legal consequences due to the continuous violations of media laws and professional standards.