Monthly Highlights July: Ethnic discrimination, sensationalism, genocide relativisation and denial and the restriction on personal freedom

During the month of July, the RDN monitoring team detected a range of hateful narratives and discourse fuelled by genocide denial and relativisation alongside ethnic discrimination, sensationalism and the imposition of restrictions on personal freedom.

Ethnic Discrimination in Serbia and Kosovo

In Serbia, on the morning of July 29th, masked individuals—later revealed to be a private security company—forcefully entered the State University in Novi Pazar (DUNP), removing students who were blocking the building. This triggered widespread condemnation from students, citizens, and political parties, followed by mass protests and clashes with police. Students eventually regained access to the building and declared victory, though at least 13 people were arrested, including one student.

Following the incident, several pro-government media outlets and officials incited ethnic hatred, targeting the mostly Bosniak, Muslim population of Novi Pazar. Students and citizens were labelled as extremists and terrorists by tabloids and national TV channels. Additionally, President Vučić made derogatory remarks about the university, contributing to the inflammatory rhetoric quoting “the building of the State University in Novi Pazar looks like a pigsty, I don’t want to say pigsty so as not to offend anyone’s religion”.

Tabloids claimed Serbs in Novi Pazar feared violence, accusing protesters and media outlet N1 of fuelling an “anti-Serb rampage.” Protests spread to other cities like Užice, where green hand symbols—associated with Bosniak and Muslim community—were used in support and solidarity. The tabloid Informer linked these symbols to Hamas, alleging the violence was pre-planned, and ran a front page with the headline “Terrorists break up Serbia,” reviving unsubstantiated separatism claims about Novi Pazar and the Sandžak region. This narrative has been present since the beginning of the protests. Pro-regime media outlets push a repeated narrative on the supposed separatism in Vojvodina and Sandžak, failing to provide real evidence of such occurrences. The media should act as unbiased sources of news and not as catalysts for the spread of division and hate.

In Kosovo, the Director of the Council for the Defence of Human Rights, Behxhet Shala, in the first part of an article published by the online portal Epoka e Re, expressed his opinions surrounding the acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti, his associates in the Vetëvendosje party, and the acting ministers. A portion of the text specifically targeted Dejona Mihali, the coordinator of the party’s committees.

Shala focused heavily on Mihali’s alleged Greek origin and included the following statement:

“Dejona Mihali. Nationally, she is a hybrid—she speaks Albanian, thinks in Greek, and acts Serbian. In Albania, she couldn’t even find a place to pi**, while in Kosovo she made a big sh**. I remember her from the early days in Vetëvendosje, wandering through protests dressed like Baba Stana from Šumadija.” He further accused Mihali of being responsible for all the problems currently facing Kosovans and Albanians in North Macedonia, Serbia, and, to some extent, Montenegro.

Dejona Mihali is not a popular figure among many citizens in Kosovo—not because of her Greek origin, but because of the belief that she influences the current policies implemented by acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti from behind the scenes. Despite various criticisms, Mihali has rarely addressed the scandals in which she herself was implicated. Due to her influence over the ruling party and Kosovo’s domestic and foreign policies, political observers consider her to be one of the most powerful individuals. Regardless, this is not a valid reason to tie criticisms of her political orientation or strategies to her ethnic background, nor to analyse her mentality based on how she speaks or thinks.

Discrimination and restriction on personal freedom in North Macedonia

Prime Minister Hristijan Mickoski made a controversial proposal during a public debate of introducing a tax on unmarried people. He stated that while there’s no magic fix, the government is committed to reversing the population decline through consistent policies aimed at restoring public trust and encouraging family formation. After Prime Minister Mickoski publicly suggested the introduction of a tax on unmarried people as a potential response to North Macedonia’s demographic decline resulting in the statement going viral, sparking widespread public debate and media coverage.

However, the discussion quickly escalated when a journalist Janko, in his podcast, went beyond the proposed policy, calling not only for taxing unmarried individuals but also for them to be beaten. He claimed that people who “want to sleep around” and “don’t want children” are selfish and responsible for the demographic crisis.

This inflammatory rhetoric has raised serious concerns about hate speech, gender discrimination, and the normalisation of violence against individuals who choose not to marry or have children.

Genocide Relativisation in Montenegro

On his private profile on X, Vladislav Dajković, leader of the Free Montenegro party, posted a video with a caption that read “We’re going crazy over Srebrenica! I’m standing up for my people and our innocent victims that no one talks about!” The video itself included snippets from his visit to Berane, where he was meeting potential voters. All acts of violence and harm against any group of people are unacceptable and unjustifiable. However, using the suffering of one group to diminish or undermine the violence and genocide experienced by another—especially during the 30th anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide—is deeply inappropriate and unacceptable. A statement like this, suggests that too much attention is being given to Srebrenica, which amounts to a relativisation of one of the most serious war crimes in Europe since World War II. Instead of showing empathy for the victims, it expresses fatigue or irritation at the mention of Srebrenica, which is offensive to the victims’ families and to the broader public that respects the facts established by the international court rulings.

Moreover, aside from Dajković’s statement, several news portals also published questionable headlines and pieces. The news portals Borba and IN4S published articles denying the genocide, while the President of the Parliament of Montenegro, Andrija Mandić, likewise relativised the crime when a moment of silence was proposed in the legislature to honour the victims. He stated that the minute of silence was for all victims of crimes committed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia — not exclusively for the victims of the Srebrenica genocide.

All human tragedy is tragedy, and the commemoration of all war crimes and the suffering of victims must be respected. Every loss deserves remembrance. However, this cannot be used as a justification to undermine the significance of a genocide such as Srebrenica. Each atrocity must be acknowledged on its own terms, and Srebrenica—especially on the occasion of its 30th anniversary—must be given the space it deserves for collective remembrance, reflection, and mourning.

Genocide denial in Bosnia and Herzegovina

This year marked the 30^th anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide, one of the worst crimes committed on European soil since World War II. Ruled by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) as a genocide, there still remains a level of denial amongst certain groups of people, institutions and bodies within the Balkans who consistently deny and underplay the events which took place at Srebrenica, failing to label it as a genocide in its rightful category. One of the main perpetrators include the media.

Most media outlets in Republika Srpska reported very brief information in select few sentences about the commemoration of the victims of the Srebrenica genocide, without providing context, identifying the perpetrators, judicial facts, and without calling the crime by its true name – a genocide. Most media outlets in Republika Srpska did not report the fact that the Hague Tribunal, the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and courts in Serbia and Croatia have so far sentenced a total of 54 people to five life sentences and 781 years in prison for genocide, crimes against humanity, and other crimes in Srebrenica in July 1995. 18 people were convicted of genocide and other crimes committed in and around Srebrenica. The reporting by the Glas Srpske, Nezavisne, and RTRS portals on Srebrenica was once again accompanied by a complete downplaying of the scale of the crime, as well as denial, relativisation, insulting the victims. The anniversary of the terrible crimes was mentioned in these media outlets in only a few sentences, with an emphasis on commemorating the suffering of Serbian victims.

Alongside media outlets, prominent political figures including the president of the entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina Republika Srpska (RS), Milorad Dodik, a day after his detention was lifted and he was released on probation, denied the genocide in Srebrenica from July 1995, referring to it as a “terrible crime”. Despite the denial of genocide being illegal under Article 145a of the Criminal Code, Dodik and other public figures and public officials continue to deny the genocide.

On the day of the commemoration itself, July 11^th, in the evening, music by Baja Mali Knindža was played in front of the church in Srebrenica. According to a report by Klix, this music is used in the most horrific ways to insult Bosniaks, glorify crimes, and incite expulsion. The portal also stated that this is a “customary display of hateful provocation, clearly aimed at disturbing the Bosniak population in Srebrenica, sending messages of hatred and glorification of the genocide that was committed.”  The statement of Republika Srpska Vice President Ćamil Duraković was also shared, in which he warned about the incident and noted that this is what Bosniaks in Srebrenica live through every July 11, once official delegations leave under police escort.

While nothing can undo what has been done and what crimes have been committed, the least that can be offered is acknowledgement, respect and commemoration for the crime which took place, the crime which has been internationally recognised in the law as a genocide. Anything that serves to undermine the facts is disrespectful to survivors, victims and their families and communities. It also poses a serious threat to justice, reconciliation, and peace by distorting history and fostering division.

Sensationalistic reporting in Albania

Media outlets in Albania swiftly and fervently reported on a grave and deeply sensitive incident in the village of Frashër, Fier where 26-year-old woman was reported to have murdered her father using a wire. Initially, she claimed that the death had been accidental. However, police verification uncovered signs on the victim’s body that raised suspicions of homicide. What followed was a media storm. News outlets bombarded the public with a constant stream of updates, gruesome details, and emotionally charged headlines. Several elements were particularly prominent in this media frensy including headlines filled with emotionally provocative and dramatic language, the rush to publish the suspect’s photo, broadcasted interviews with neighbours from the village. Furthermore, various media ran intrusive investigations into the suspect’s personal life, going far beyond factual coverage. By placing emphasis and focus on the character of the perpetrator, the focus shifts from the act of violence itself to the moral worth and perceived lifestyle choices of the woman involved.

There is no question that such crimes are serious and reprehensible, regardless of the circumstances. However, what remains deeply concerning from a media ethics perspective is the double standard evident in how the media in Albania reports murders committed by women compared to equally brutal crimes perpetrated by men. These headlines were later followed by tabloid-style revelations implying she was romantically involved with a much older man—approximately her father’s age. When viewed through a critical media lens, it becomes clear that the coverage of such incidents often veers into moralistic, judgmental, and gender-biased territory. In these cases, the media rushes—often without filter or, perhaps, with normalized sensationalism.

The media coverage of this incident underscores the urgent need to strengthen ethical standards in crime reporting—particularly in cases involving gender dynamics. The patterns observed reveal a deeper concern: the normalization of sensationalism, gender bias, and the reinforcement of harmful stereotypes in public discourse. To address these challenges, media outlets are strongly encouraged to adopt gender-sensitive editorial standards, avoid biased or sensationalist language, use accurate and context-aware terminology, protect the privacy and dignity of those involved, and actively challenge gender stereotypes. Importantly, advocating for ethical and non-discriminatory reporting does not mean minimizing the seriousness of the crime or the accountability of the perpetrator—regardless of gender. Rather, it calls for a more just and informed media approach that upholds the principles of fairness, accuracy, and social responsibility.